There is a rich, but unacknowledged, heritage of rural subalterns, crofters, in Scandinavia. A Swedish-Norwegian interdisciplinary research-network investigated the most prominent category – the remains of crofts. Due to industrialisation, urbanisation and the modern welfare state, the institution of crofting was abolished, and many crofters left for opportunities elsewhere. The welfare state transformed a landscape of living and working people into a one filled with relicts mostly from the nineteenth century. Although numerous and important to local citizens, these sites fall outside the authorised heritage discourse (AHD) in terms of both research and heritage management. This paper takes an environmental justice perspective to challenge the AHD. Three themes are in focus: (1) bringing out the history of a subaltern and marginalised group of people; (2) promoting crofts as heritage of importance to local citizens and demanding complex management due to the various historical narratives and risks; (3) considering the crofting landscapes in relation to the (economisation) framing of heritage in development processes, especially in relation to fair development in present rural communities. 相似文献
Abstract. This article has three fundamental objectives. The first is to explore ways in which ideas about culture are relevant to nationalism. The second is to identify common ‘cultural bases’ which are called on to support secessionist and irredentist movements. The third, and perhaps most challenging objective, is to explore the character of these ‘cultural bases’ as well as the sources of their empowerment. To fulfil these goals the article is divided into five main sections. The first section introduces the argument that while the cultural bases of secessionist and irredentist movements are extremely influential motivators and legitimators of human actions, they are not, in themselves, ‘natural’ or immutable. This position is elucidated in the second section, where it is argued that the particular intellectual culture of eighteenth-century Western Europe gave rise to the concept of nation which, in turn, incorporated specific cultures into its definition of the fundamental units of humanity. This discussion is used as a basis for advancing the argument that the powerful capacity for ideas about culture to stimulate and reinforce secessionist and irredentist movements stems from two main sources, one of which is essential to human beings (i.e. the process of group formation) and one of which is constructed as essential (i.e. the concept of nation). In the fourth section the effectiveness of this combination is briefly illustrated by exploring shifts in the cultural bases which have been used over time to legitimise nationalist movements in Friesland, Quebec and Scotland. The concluding section uses the understanding of how ‘cultural bases’ are constituted and deployed to evaluate their impact and their ‘desirability’. It also suggests ways in which an awareness of the factors and processes associated with the construction and empowerment of culture can open the door to deploying them differently to achieve alternative ends. 相似文献
Abstract. Language is often a central issue in nationalist ideologies. It is seen as a crucial element in the definition of people's identities, and it is often a battlefield for nationalist activities. An analysis of how language is conceptualised and made part of a particular nationalist struggle may yield insights into the ideological structure of this particular nationalism, and thus lead to more refined ways of distinguishing between various types of nationalisms. In this article, a comparison is made between language in Flemish nationalism and in Tanzanian post-Ujamaa nationalism. In both cases, great emphasis is placed by the nation-builders on the central role of language in attaining the nationalist goals. However, a comparison of both cases also yields significant differences. The Flemish view of language is predominantly ethnic. Dutch is seen as an inalienable marker of identity, shared with the Dutch people, and creating a fundamental difference with the Walloon Belgians. Also, language is closely associated with the territory on which it is being spoken, which yields a homogeneistic and assimilationist attitude towards speakers of other languages on Flemish temtory. In Tanzania, Swahili is seen as an instrument for attaining a socialist political- ideological hegemonisation of the state. Swahili is chosen not for cultural reasons, but because it allows for egalitarian, socialist connotations. Underlying both language ideologies are basic differences in the structure of nationalism in Flanders and Tanzania, Flanders being an example of ethnic nationalism and Tanzania an example of socialist state nationalism. 相似文献
An unexpectedly swift collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe amidst flares of mass dissent raises doubts about the accuracy of explanations of the persistence of these regimes in terms of ‘legitimacy’ and their fall in terms of ‘legitimacy crisis’. Such explanations are criticised and rejected as theoretically inadequate and lacking empirical support. It is argued that East European regimes had never developed mass legitimacy, and that even before the current upheavals they showed clear symptoms of non‐legitimate domination. In order to suggest an alternative interpretation of their persistence and fall, the paper clarifies the meaning of the term ‘legitimacy’, suggests reasons for the popularity of ‘legitimacy interpretations’, and critically assesses the empirical evidence for the alleged legitimacy and ‘legitimacy crises’. The concluding section outlines the bases of (non‐legitimate) communist domination and looks at the problems of (re‐establishing legitimate authority by the post‐communist East European regimes. 相似文献
THE MODERN WORLD: A HISTORY OF OUR TIME. Vol. I. Gordon Greenwood. Angus and Robertson, Sydney, 1963. 791 pp. 63s.
THE COMMONWEALTH AND SUEZ. A DOCUMENTARY SURVEY. Selected, edited and with commentaries by James Eayrs. London, Oxford University Press, 1964. Pp. xxiv + 483. Australian price 95/‐.
THE AUSTRALIAN ECONOMY. A VOLUME OF READINGS. H. W. Arndt and W. M. Corden (eds.). Melbourne, F. W. Cheshire, 1963. Australian price 30/‐.
POLAND, BRIDGE FOR THE ABYSS? AN INTERPRETATION OF DEVELOPMENTS IN POST‐WAR POLAND. Richard Hiscocks. London, Oxford University Press, 1963. viii, 359 pp. Map. Australian price 65/‐.
NEW NATIONS IN A DIVIDED WORLD. THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF AFRO‐ASIAN STATES. Kurt London (ed.). London, Praeger, 1963. Pp. 350. Sterling 45/‐ (cloth), 16/‐ (paper).
NEW GUINEA'S FIRST NATIONAL ELECTION. Edited by Murray C. Groves. A Symposium reprinted from the Journal of the Polynesian Society, Volume 73, No. 2, June 1964. Price 5/‐ (N.Z.).
RELIGION AND POLITICS IN RURAL CENTRAL JAVA. Robert R. Jay. Cultural Report Series No. 12, Southeast Asia Studies, Yale University. 1963.
GOVERNMENT, POLITICS, AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE IN LAOS. A STUDY OF TRADITION AND INNOVATION. Joel M. Halpern. Monograph Series No. 4. Southeast Asia Studies, Yale University. 1964. Pp. ix + 199, map, 15 tables.
HRAF handbook on Laos (Laos: its people, its society, its culture ed. F. M. LeBar and A. Suddard. HRAF Press, New Haven, 1960) to which Dr Halpern was a contributor. 相似文献