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151.
Sarah A. Kennedy Parker VanValkenburgh 《International Journal of Historical Archaeology》2016,20(1):73-104
Through analysis of zooarchaeological remains from two occupations at the site of Carrizales, we examine how an indigenous Peruvian maritime community responded to imperial interventions in their daily lives in the late sixteenth century. Following their forced resettlement into a planned reducción village, and amidst demographic decline and tribute extraction, Carrizales’s residents significantly changed how they put food on the table, pursuing less time-intensive strategies of food collection and incorporating Eurasian animals into their diets. These results illustrate the dynamism of relations between imperial political economies and domestic life and the efficacy of indigenous survival strategies. 相似文献
152.
The complexity of hunter-gatherer technology has been measured by counting artifact parts or production steps. There are a variety of alternative approaches to the measurement of artifact or system complexity. If technological complexity is assumed to reflect the complexity of the problem (or amount of entropy reduction) that the artifact is designed to address, the most appropriate measure of technological complexity is functional design complexity, which entails application of the entropy formula from information theory to the making and using of an artifact and the results obtained by its use. Functional complexity is related to structural or hierarchical complexity, because the entropy formula can be represented as a hierarchy (or step-by-step reduction of entropy) and the functional differentiation is related to the structural differentiation of an artifact. Another approach to hunter-gatherer technological complexity entails definition of a class of “complex artifacts” on the basis of general design characteristics (e.g., incorporation of moving parts). The most structurally and functionally complex artifacts are those that possess multiple states, either through changes in the physical relationship between parts (or sub-parts) during use or through structural differentiation. Although functional complexity is difficult to measure, structural or hierarchical complexity may be measured—and multiple-state artifacts may be counted—with adequate ethnographic and archaeological data on hunter-gatherer technology. 相似文献
153.
Alejandro F. Haber 《Archaeologies》2005,1(1):111-118
La conmemoración anual de la llegada de Colón a América como se experimenta en Argentina proporciona un foco para la definición
de preguntas acerca de la comprensión de la arqueología como conocimiento. Para los grupos Indígenas es el aniversario del
último día de la independencia de las poblaciones aborígenes. Los arqueólogos deben cuestionarse su posición cuando estudian
el mundo y los objetos indígenas. Las interpretaciones de los “pioneros” arqueólogos argentinos son discutidas junto con el
concepto de “la ruptura metafísica” sobre la que la arqueología construye su objeto, esa ruptura entre el mundo indígena subjetive
y el mundo del conocimiento arqueológico. En el siglo XXI quedan preguntas pendientes acerca de la arqueología que, si es
vista como una práctica descolonizadora, debe implicar su propio proceso de descolonización. Proporciona la Arqueología de Un Mundo el contexto para continuar esta tarea descolonizadora?
Résumé La commémoration annuelle de l'arrivé de Christophe Colomb en Amérique, comme c'est le cas en Argentine, donne l'occasion de se concentrer sur des questions de définition concernant la compréhension de l'archéologie comme source de connaissance. Pour les groupes autochtones, cette journée est la dernière de leur indépendance. Les archéologues devraient se demander comment ils se positionnent quand ils étudient le monde et les objets autochtones. Les interprétations des “pionniers” argentins de l'archéologie sont discutées en lien avec le concept de “d'écart métaphysique” sur lequel l'archéologie construit son objet: cet espace entre la réalité du monde des autochtones et des archéologues qui revendiquent la connaissance à travers la méthode scientifique. Au 21ième siècle, il y a encore des questions à demander concernant l'archéologie, qui même si elle est per?ue comme une pratique décolonisatrice, doit inclure le processus de décolonisation d'elle-même. One World Archaeology procure une contexte pour continuer cette tache de décolonisation?相似文献
154.
Marcia Bezerra 《Archaeologies》2005,1(2):60-70
Este ensayo reporta sobre investigaciones entre un grupo de ni?os escolares brasile?os que fueron entrevistados para ver como
ellos consideraban la arqueología, como su conocimiento del pasado afecta su comprensión del presente, y como su experiencia
del presente les informa su vista del pasado.
[T]he miracle that we would hope for from the bottom of our hearts, the school as a preserved universe, island of purity—in which all disparities and social struggles would come to a stop, this miracle does not exist: the school is part of the world. (Snyders 1977:18) 相似文献
Résumé Ce papier présente des recherches menées parmi un groupe d'écoliers brésiliens afin de savoir comment ils voient l'archéologie, comment leur connaissance du passé affecte leur compréhension du présent et comment leur expérience du présent renseigne leurs vues du passé.
[T]he miracle that we would hope for from the bottom of our hearts, the school as a preserved universe, island of purity—in which all disparities and social struggles would come to a stop, this miracle does not exist: the school is part of the world. (Snyders 1977:18) 相似文献
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157.
Ute Christina Bauer 《Standort - Zeitschrift für angewandte Geographie》2010,91(4):103-103
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160.
Gerrit Leendert Dusseldorp 《African Archaeological Review》2010,27(2):107-133
Scrutinising prey choice allows the testing of hypotheses on whether the hunting capabilities of Middle Stone Age (MSA) people
were as sophisticated as those of Later Stone Age hunter–gatherers. I apply an optimal foraging perspective to investigate
whether MSA prey choice was constrained by the danger associated with hunting certain species. Here, I study the relative
importance of elands, buffalo and suids. Eland was the most attractive prey to hunter–gatherers because it is large and docile.
Buffalo and suids are more aggressive. When additional species to eland needed to be exploited, we would expect unsophisticated
hunters to prefer the smaller suids over buffalo. If hunting prowess was sufficient to deal with both buffalo and suids, buffalo
should be preferred. Due to their size, exploitation of buffalo would be more profitable than exploitation of suids. I show
that, taking environmental circumstances into account, buffalo were preferred to suids, suggesting that MSA people were capable,
sophisticated hunters. 相似文献