One Hundred and Twenty-Five Years after Slaughterhouse: Where's the Beef?

You never know. Historical events intended for one purpose sometimes result in the unintended, and American history is far from immune to this tendency. Thus the Civil War—first considered by Lincoln as nothing more than an attempt to prevent Southern secession—ultimately went far beyond an effort to preserve the Union, far beyond ending African-American slavery, far beyond even ensuring continued western expansion. By 1866, the war had wrought changes in the relationship between the federal government and the states, the federal government and its people, as well as the states and their citizenry. Although they may well have been unintended and their extent unclear, these transformations doomed continuance of the Union as it had been—producing instead a new connection between the American people and their legal order that is still evolving.¹ One manifestation of such change was the Fourteenth Amendment adopted by Congress in 1866. Ratified by the states as part of the Constitution in 1868, five years later the Supreme Court first considered its meaning and scope; and thereby hangs a story rich in irony.     

Alabaster Beehive-Shaped Vessels from the Arabian Peninsula: Interpretations from a Comparative Study of Characteristics, Contexts and Associated Finds

This paper catalogues seventy-two vessels of one typologically distinct'beehive-shaped'form commonly found on sites in the Arabian peninsula. It shows that they are dated principally from the third century BC to the first century AD and are predominantly from burials. The majority have been found in southwest Arabia which is most probably their area of origin and many can be traced back to the Royal Tombs of'Awsan in Wadi Markha. Of interest are a pair of almost identical'double'vessels from Thaj and Mleiha in eastern Arabia and a group of'large'vessels indicating a temple context. From a study of their characteristics and contexts conclusions indicate that the original contents were tightly enclosed, of a dry or stain-free nature and that they were highly prized. The evidence together with some written sources give clues as to what these receptacles may have contained.     

DAMMING JAMES BAY: II. IMPACTS ON COASTAL MARSHES

The damming of James Bay as proposed by the grand Canal Scheme will influence the hydrology of the coastal marshes. The salinity regime of two James Bay marshes were compared to understand the processes that govern salinity in the zone near mean high water (mhw) and to predict changes that may result from this proposed impoundment. Data suggest that sites along southern James Bay would be minimally affected because of the current low level of salinity. The northern marshes would, however, experience significant changes, as their primary source of salt is from saline tidewater. A simulation of the vertical salt and water fluxes at a northern location predicts a rapid reduction in the chloride concentration at mhw, which should approach the present values for southern James Bay in about 10 years. Above mhw, the salt will be leached quickly, so that within four years the surface chloride concentration will be reduced to the level currently found in southern James Bay.     

Containing "Contamination": Cardinal Moran and Fin de Siècle Australian National Identity, 1888–1911

Cardinal Patrick Moran, the Catholic Archbishop of Sydney 1884–1911, believed that Australian Catholicism would flourish with the emergence of the new nation through Federation in 1901, provided that Australians turned away from foreign influences, including anarchism and nihilism. Moran also sought to use Australia to "Christianise" the enormous population of China, and believed that Chinese immigration could make a useful contribution to nation building. As the nineteenth century closed, Moran's aims were also complicated by the more insidious threats represented by a challenge to religious faith by fin de siècle ideas — a modernism manifesting as both a general challenge and a specific doctrinal relativism that might erode the Church's authority, and the threat Moran felt was posed to the development of the liberal Australian state and the Catholic Church by radical political alternatives. Concern that a mood of religious apostasy and secularisation might spread to the Catholic community also influenced Moran's support for the fledgling Australian Labor Party, which Moran believed could develop as an instrument to reinforce a moral and inclusive sense of Australian identity for the Catholic working class. Like his pro-Chinese views, Moran's advocacy of "the rights and duties of labour" was defined by an imagined alliance of evangelism and nation building, stimulated by the fear, as he expressed in 1891, of "an unchristianized world."     

The uncertain merger of values and interests in UK foreign policy

How should ethics and values relate to the British national interest? The idea that ethical commitments to distant non‐citizens should occupy a position within British foreign policy was a controversial element of Labour's foreign policy during the early part of their 1997–2010 tenure. Rather than undermining traditional national interest concerns, one of the defining themes within Labour's foreign policy was that values and national interests were becoming increasingly merged in a globalized world. The post‐2010 coalition government has made distinct efforts to differentiate themselves from their predecessors, crafting a more pragmatic and national interest‐based foreign policy approach. Despite this, significant continuities with Labour's ‘ethical dimension’ are evident and many associated policies and practices have survived the transition. Moreover, the suggestion that British values and interests are interrelated and mutually reinforcing has been re‐asserted, with renewed vigour, by coalition policy‐makers. The article traces the ways in which values and interests have become increasingly merged in the language of recent British foreign policy and examines the implications for our understanding of the UK's national interest. It argues that the idea of an almost symbiotic relationship between values and interests is fundamentally unhelpful and makes the case for greater disaggregation of the two. Although a zero–sum game need not exist between core national interests and ethical obligations abroad, the suggestion that they are mutually reinforcing obscures the tensions that frequently arise between these different realms of obligation. Using the examples of failed state stabilization and UK arms trade regulation, the article demonstrates how uncritical acceptance of the values–interests merger risks producing unstable policy formulations.