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JOHN H. PRYOR 《The Journal of religious history》1991,16(3):339-342
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The growth of tax haven activities has been a feature of recent global capitalist development, yet geographical analysis of these activities has been limited. Vanuatu has become the South Pacific's major tax haven, expanding through its ability to capture (mainly) Australian and Asian investment in the 1970s and 1980s. Tax haven activities in Vanuatu have increasingly contributed to local employment and income generation, despite the growth of competition from newer tax havens in the region. Vanuatu is not used by major Australian public companies to the extent that either Hong Kong or the Caribbean tax havens are used, and it is suggested that activities from Asia are increasingly dominating Vanuatu's finance centre. Recent Australian taxation legislation may reduce Australia's role in the Vanuatu tax haven further, although it is apparent that there are limitations to the legislation's effectiveness in stopping tax haven activities. 相似文献
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JOHN HOLMES 《Geographical Research》1994,32(2):167-182
To a degree unparalleled in any other major nation, Australia's society and economy shows a spatial dichotomy between a restricted but relatively well-endowed coastal strip and a vast, under-endowed interior. Much of the nation's economic history has been shaped by alternating phases of convergence and divergence in the relative fortunes of coast and interior. Queensland is the state which most clearly typifies this Australian dichotomy, the more so because of the high expectations placed on inland development and the recent strong impulse towards coastal growth and inland decline. The persistent and severe decline of the inland has been overshadowed by economic and demographic growth along the coast. The fortunes of the state are increasingly tied to the future of its coastlands. 相似文献
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JOHN REDMOND 《International affairs》2007,83(2):305-317
This article examines EU‐Turkey relations and considers the potential impact of the EU pronouncement at the December 2004 summit and the subsequent (reluctant)decision to begin negotiations in October 2005 on Turkey's efforts to become a member of the Union. It briefly summarizes the debate over Turkish accession and outlines the main arguments and positions of EU members and institutions. It then highlights the inadequacies of the alternatives to full membership that have been offered to Turkey in the past and expresses the concern that the EU's adoption of ‘flexible integration’ may lead to Turkey being, at best, offered a ‘lower tier’ form of EU membership in the future. It continues by arguing that concerns about Turkey's suitability for EU membership because it is Islamic and its lack of ‘Europeanness’ are ill‐founded and/or irrelevant and that the best way to facilitate Turkey's continued contribution to European (and world)security and its western orientation, is to allow it to join the EU as a full member. It concludes that the decision to admit a new member is primarily a political one and that Turkey should be allowed to join the EU in the immediate future. 相似文献