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Protected by the mineral matrix, bone proteins are capable of surviving inhumation periods of several hundreds or thousands of years in soil. While the preservation of the bone matrix protein, collagen I, is the prerequisite for a variety of archaeometric approaches, such as radiocarbon dating and the reconstruction of palaeodiet by stable isotope analysis, little is known about both the rate and state of preservation of non‐collagenous proteins. We succeeded in the isolation, electrophoretic separation (SDS‐PAGE, IEF) and immunological detection (radial immunodiffusion, IEF immunoblotting and ELISA) of plasma proteins preserved in archaeological human bones. However, sample preparation and electrophoretic methods had to be adapted to the specific demands of these aged proteins, since they are not only degraded and fragmented but also cross‐linked to other organic components, either indigenous to the bone or to contaminants from the burial environment. Complex decomposition phenomena are responsible for the altered mode of migration of aged proteins through a gel. After isoelectric focusing, the ancient proteins mainly concentrate below pH 4.45 in the pH‐gradient. Thus, highly negatively charged protein components have a better chance of preservation in bone after death. Isoelectric focusing with subsequent immunoblotting of ancient protein samples revealed protein patterns which showed marked charge‐modifications in comparison with those of modern human plasma proteins due to protein degradation (e.g. α2‐HS‐glycoprotein and α1‐antitrypsin). Nevertheless, in combination with different immunological analyses, previous results concerning the selective enrichment of α2‐HS‐glycoprotein in bone compared with other plasma glycoproteins could be confirmed. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
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The evacuation of Dutch children during the so-called ‘Hunger Winter’ of 1944/1945 is one of the canonized stories of the German occupation of the Netherlands. In the most common version of the story, a Dutch interdenominational organization managed to evacuate 40,000 to 50,000 starving children from the urbanized and famished west to the agrarian north-east region of the country, whilst being constantly obstructed by German and Dutch National Socialist authorities. This article challenges this well-known representation of the child evacuations, arguing that it was largely a narrative constructed in the post-war period. Contrary to popular beliefs, this article demonstrates that the evacuations were in fact supported by the German occupier. Most important for the success of the evacuations, however, was the co-operation of tens of thousands of ordinary Dutch citizens, regardless of their religious or political views. These two observations not only challenge Dutch historiography, but also international literature on the presumed causes and effects of the Dutch food crisis.  相似文献   
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This article scrutinises four moments in the post-Cold War era where the United States engaged to include Russia in Euro-Atlantic security forums: the establishment of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council; Partnership for Peace; Permanent Joint Council; and the NATO-Russia Council. The overall puzzle is: why did consecutive US administrations aim to formalise co-operation between NATO and Russia? Current tensions highlight the issue's significance, yet in the literature, there is no study looking specifically at these episodes of US efforts to integrate Moscow. Building on a broad set of primary sources, this article determines what we can now know of US objectives concerning the role of Russia in Euro-Atlantic co-operation. It concludes that US objectives moved from seeking new and stable relations between former adversaries, to facilitating US objectives in the Euro-Atlantic context with NATO enlargement, to expressing more global interests in confronting emerging crises and challenges, amongst others in the war on terror. Co-operation was limited to where interests were overlapping. Russia would not be placed in a position to influence NATO as an alliance. US officials remained hopeful that co-operation with Russia was possible, and would benefit all. At the same time, decisions would serve US interests should relations sour.  相似文献   
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W. T. Stead's 1899–1900 weekly newspaper, War against War in South Africa, sets out to persuade its readers of the financial, spiritual, and moral costs of war and in doing so urges them to participate in an oppositional ‘peace war’. It conflates the economic and the spiritual in presenting to its readers accounts of the South African war that emphasize the price to be paid for unjust bloodshed. This article examines the ways in which Stead uses the idea of counting in both its senses – of mattering and enumerating – alongside the idea of moral accountability, to make his case against war and for peace as part of a larger narrative of brotherhood and bloodguilt. I argue that his campaign failed to achieve its ends at least in part because, despite the sensationalist power of each item in his account, the final bill, addressed ambiguously to the individual, the government, and the nation, is unimaginably vast and morally unpayable. His newspaper and other anti-war publications offer a graphic account of the wrongs of war, yet their gothically inflected religious imagery of judgement and guilt work in unresolvable tension with their message of rational individual action against the national project of the war.  相似文献   
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The negotiations between Norway and Russia, formerly the Soviet Union, in the maritime delimitation in the Barents Sea have been going on for more than 30 years. Despite a declared will on both sides to reach an agreement, the prospect of an early settlement seems remote. Formally the delimitation problem concerns the distribution of the important economic resources in the area, i.e. petroleum and fish. In practice, however, the strategic importance of the area and the impact of the international context on the bilateral relationship have played an important role in the negotiations. As a result, the parties clearly have different preferences for a solution. Because there is no practical need for a solution and because the parties do not see the boundary dispute as a strain on their mutual relations, the prospect of an early settlement is dependent on the political will of both sides to bring this long-standing conflict to and end.  相似文献   
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