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Henry F. May 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(2):137-148
Wells's The New Machiavelli (1911) offers an excellent case study of the use of anti-Machiavellian Machiavellism as both a philosophical and a rhetorical strategy. In Remington, Wells creates a protagonist who follows Machiavellian rules of behaviour and denounces those who do likewise. The novel is structured to show Remington's progress from an idealist refutation of Machiavellism, through a recognition of its necessity, to the formulation of a private and political method for the necessary pursuit of Machiavellian principles under the disguise of anti-Machiavellism, including trenchant criticisms of Fabians as anti-Machiavellian Machiavellians. These stages, culminating in complete personal and public failure, are reflected in Remington's party allegiances, and broadened by Wells into an account of British party ideologies around the turn of the twentieth century. Wells's rhetorical design for mapping and assessing anti-Machiavellian Machiavellism is paralleled by an exploration of that technique in himself, attested by the predominance of autobiographical elements in The New Machiavelli, and by similarities between Remington's and Wells's own deception of others and themselves. Far from incidental, anti-Machiavellian Machiavellism is the motif that unites the shifting party allegiances, political conceits and moral hypocrisies, and private and public failures of Wells, Remington, and of the period of British politics that they intend to encapsulate. 相似文献
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Henry C. Clark 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(3):382-384
This article reflects on the relationship between historical writing and enquiry and philosophy, and more particularly the manner in which the pursuit of a particular natural philosophy can influence historical narratives. The article begins with a comparison of Roman and Greek approaches to history, employing a distinction between narrative and logic. It goes on to consider the impact of Christianity, the relationship between enlightenment narratives and philosophical developments regarding the nature of causation, and the Hegel/Marx critique of the kinds of empiricism associated with Hume. The article ends by considering the counterfactual historical analysis and the proper relationship between history and philosophy for modern historians. 相似文献
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Henry Frendo 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2013,41(3):441-463
Based mainly on Australian press reportage from 1927 to 1932, when Lord Strickland held office in Malta, this article explores a mirror-like image of goings-on in a geographically far removed part of the one empire. Included in this are telling but so far barely known flashbacks from the same sources to the time when the Anglo-Maltese politician had served as a governor of three Australian states, with special reference to New South Wales, until 1917. Albeit in different ways and for diverse reasons, certain personality traits, as well as issues relating to church-state, intra-institutional and centre-periphery relations, evoked a resonance in Australia as they did in Malta. As far as governance was concerned, in Strickland's New South Wales the tension was between governor, premier and parliament, as well as to a lesser extent between state and federal roles whereas in Malta it was between a legislative assembly and senate dominated by different parties in a diarchy, with dissonant pulls by London and Rome. 相似文献
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Manuel Domínguez-Rodrigo Travis Rayne Pickering Henry T. Bunn 《Journal of archaeological science》2012,39(2):205-214
In order to assess further the recent claims of ∼3.4 Ma butchery marks on two fossil bones from the site of Dikika (Ethiopia), we broadened the actualistic-interpretive zooarchaeological framework by conducting butchery experiments that utilized naïve butchers and rocks unmodified by human flaking to deflesh chicken and sheep long limb bones. It is claimed that the purported Dikika cut marks present their unexpectedly atypical morphologies because they were produced by early hominins utilizing just such rocks. The composition of the cut mark sample produced in our experiments is quite dissimilar to the sample of linear bone surface modifications preserved on the Dikika fossils. This finding substantiates and expands our earlier conclusion that—considering the morphologies and patterns of the Dikika bone surface modifications and the inferred coarse-grained depositional context of the fossils on which they occur—the Dikika bone damage was caused incidentally by the movement of the fossils on and/or within their depositional substrate(s), and not by early hominin butchery. Thus, contrary to initial claims, the Dikika evidence does not warrant a major shift in our understanding of early hominin behavioral evolution with regard to carcass foraging and meat-eating. 相似文献
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