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W. Heather 《英国考古学会志》2013,166(1):149-156
AbstractThe stone castle was probably begun in the first quarter of the 13th century by Alan, the king's steward, or his son, Walter. Bute had only recently been wrested from the kingdom of Man and the Isles, whose overlord, King Håkon IV of Norway, sent two expeditions to retake it in 1230 and 1263. When Bute returned to Scottish control in 1266, the castle was strengthened by the addition of four rounded projecting towers and a gatehouse facing the sea. Rothesay played little part in the Wars if Independence from 1290 onwards. The marriage of Walter III Stewart with King Robert the Bruce's daughter, Marjorie, however, eventually resulted in the Stewarts obtaining the throne in 1371 through Marjorie's son, Robert.Both King Robert II (1371–90) and his son Robert III (1390–1406) spent time at Rothesay Castle and carried out minor building works. James IV (1488–1513) also took a personal interest in it, and in August 1498 appointed his kinsman, Ninian Stewart, as captain and keeper. He also began construction of the large residential gatehouse, called le dungeon, that was added on to the earlier gatehouse; this work was finished under James V in 1540–42.In 1685 the castle was burnt by the duke if Argyll, and the keeper's family abandoned it as a residence. In 1816–18, the second marquess of Bute had the courtyard cleared of vegetation and rubble; and in 1871–9, the third marquess cleared the moat and engaged the architect William Burges to carry out restoration of the masonry. The gatehouse hall was also rebuilt in 1900. 相似文献
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Heather MacDonald 《Geographical Research》2018,56(2):230-240
This paper investigates the complex and continuously evolving processes of de‐democratisation evident in urban planning practice in Sydney between 2011 and 2017. New South Wales' successive rounds of planning reform, establishment of a metropolitan commission, and amalgamation of local governments over that period have aimed to reduce local democratic participation in planning decisions, but they have had uneven success. I argue that while New South Wales' efforts to streamline development and de‐democratise planning have evolved considerably in response to multiple forms of opposition, the success of the neoliberal project is still uncertain. The insights this story offers add complexity to theorists' claims about the inevitability of depoliticisation and the end of meaningful democratic engagement. The story also offers insights about how power is created, lost, and regained in particular local circumstances. 相似文献
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Carole L. Nash Heather A. Wholey 《Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites》2018,20(4):285-295
ABSTRACTThe US Middle Atlantic region, known for its rich archaeological record and diverse topographic settings, is experiencing a range of climate change impacts, most notably: sea level rise and coastal erosion in its tidal zones. Documented palaeostratigraphic and palynological studies throughout the region provide a record of late Pleistocene/Holocene environmental response to changing climate, confirming observations from other disciplines that the magnitude of modern impacts exceeds past temporal and spatial patterns. The corresponding impact on archaeological resources is great, requiring a renewed effort to document threatened sites while also working with local and state governments to develop mitigation strategies. The Middle Atlantic Archaeological Conference (MAAC) created the Sea Level Rise and Storm Surge Committee to promote regional partnerships in site impact assessment and mitigation strategies. The network highlights the predicament of archaeology in this time of climate change: accelerated research and discovery in the face of catastrophic loss. 相似文献
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Dora L. Costa Heather DeSomer Eric Hanss Christopher Roudiez Noelle Yetter 《Historical methods》2017,50(2):79-95
This article overviews the research opportunities made possible by a National Institute on Aging-funded program project, Early Indicators, Intergenerational Processes, and Aging. Data collection began almost three decades ago on 40,000 soldiers from the Union Army in the U.S. Civil War. The sample contains extensive demographic, economic, and medical data from childhood to death. In recent years, a large sample of African-American soldiers and an oversampling of soldiers from major U.S. cities have been added. Hundreds of historical maps containing public health data have been geocoded to place soldiers and their family members in a geospatial context. With newly granted funding, thousands of veterans will be linked to the demographic information available from the census and vital records of their children. 相似文献
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Governing the Commercial Streets of the City: New Terrains of Disinvestment and Gentrification in Toronto's Inner Suburbs 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1 下载免费PDF全文
This paper explores the commercial shopping street as a site of racialized class struggle. The argument builds around the study of a disinvested inner‐suburban neighbourhood in Toronto, which furnishes an ideal case through which to achieve the paper's objectives of, first, identifying commercial space as an important site of contestation over competing suburban futures; second, delineating how processes of racialization inform the economies of commercial gentrification and urban renewal; and third, highlighting the epistemological and theoretical insights that emerge when research is conducted collaboratively, among academic, community, and activist groupings. The paper argues that such commercial spaces play a key role in making the city accessible to vulnerable and marginalized groups. Two competing planning agendas centred on reordering commercial space, meanwhile, spell the almost‐certain demise of such arrangements: a “real estate” vision featuring new condominium developments, and a new urbanist resistance favouring “green” and “creative” alternatives. Our engagements with precarious, predominantly immigrant‐owned businesses and community‐based researchers reveal the complicity of both modes of development planning with processes of displacement and structural racism. Specifying these dynamics as “racialized class projects” opens up space for intervention and organizing. 相似文献