全文获取类型
收费全文 | 131篇 |
免费 | 4篇 |
出版年
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 6篇 |
2017年 | 5篇 |
2016年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 4篇 |
2013年 | 36篇 |
2012年 | 5篇 |
2011年 | 1篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 1篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 1篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 3篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 3篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有135条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
91.
Harvey Whitehouse 《Oceania; a journal devoted to the study of the native peoples of Australia, New Guinea, and the Islands of the Pacific》1994,65(1):40-58
Melanesian religious movements tend to conform to two contrasting types of regime: the one relatively centralized, hierarchical, stable, long-lived, and nationalistic; the other fragmented, egalitarian, unstable, sporadic, and parochial. Existing theories of ‘cargo cults’, including the progressivist hypothesis which views millenarism as the natural precursor of nationalism, have failed to appreciate this fundamental divergence. It is shown that politico-religious regimes are rooted in alternative cognitive processes, a point which is illustrated with reference to the Pomio Kivung movement of New Britain and the Taro cult of Northern Papua. One implication of this argument is that typologies of cults, based on ideological variation, are of limited sociological import, and rather that the structure and scale of cults are artefacts of distinctive styles of cognition, codification, and transmission. 相似文献
92.
Paul Harvey 《The Journal of religious history》1997,21(3):302-317
In the post-Civil War American South, leaders of both white and black denominations sought to root out southern 'folk' religious practices from their churches. Denominational modernizers preached the middle-class virtues necessary to the building of a new southern social order: piety, sobriety and the systematic accumulation of wealth. They built bureaucracies of benevolence and conceived of 'intelligent worship' as a means of schooling their 'untutored masses' in the ways of bourgeois religiosity. In response, white and black believers, predominantly small farmers and sharecroppers with limited educations, adopted certain forms suggested by the advocates of respectable religion while also maintaining publicly emotive and physically tactile expressions of southern religiosity derived both from the camp-meeting past as well as African-derived rituals of worship. By focusing on worship practices and musical styles, this article illuminates an episode in the dialectic of traditional spirituality and bourgeois decorum in a region in, but not fully of, America. 相似文献
93.
94.
95.
Humphrey-Hawkins, enacted into law as the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978, is the most important step the Federal government has taken for overall economic coordination since passage of the Employment Act of 1946. The centerpiece of the new law is specific goals for unemployment and inflation. All Federal programs and policies are to work toward achieving a 3 percent adult and 4 percent overall jobless rate within five years, and inflation rates of 3 percent by 1983 and 0 percent by 1988. The present article outlines the major changes made in Humphrey-Hawkins from its introduction in June 1974 to its enactment in October 1978, the contents of the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978, and the politics surrounding its passage. 相似文献
96.
97.
Harvey Chisick 《European Legacy》2016,21(2):127-144
The postmodern critique of the Enlightenment is much concerned with what it regards as the unwillingness of progressive thinkers of the eighteenth century to accept the legitimacy of national or cultural groups that differed significantly from norms in Western Europe. My aim is to examine how eighteenth-century thinkers, including Hume, Montesquieu, Voltaire, Condorcet, and the Abbé Grégoire, perceived prototypical “others” such as Blacks and Jews, by looking at the sources—from contemporary medical science to travel literature, proto-anthropology, history, biblical scholarship and reformist projects—on which these views were based. Perceptions of Blacks cannot easily be separated from the issue of slavery, nor that of the Jews from biblical history and theology. I argue that those who wanted to exclude these groups from mainstream society generally based their arguments on a one-dimensional, self-referential empirical methodology, while those who argued for their eventual inclusion usually posited a multidimensional reality in which a shift from one dimension to the other was a matter of will and planning. While the inclusionists tended to use general categories, such as humanity or a universal spiritual order, the exclusionists tended to use particularizing categories such as race or nation. 相似文献
98.
99.
Harvey Chisick 《European Legacy》2008,13(1):35-57
This article addresses a number of issues relevant to the interpretation of the Enlightenment raised by Jonathan Israel in his recent book, Enlightenment Contested. After a brief summary of the main points of the book it considers whether, as Israel claims, the core of the Enlightenment is a materialist monist metaphysic first fully articulated by Spinoza, and whether it is convincing to make materialism and atheism the main criteria of Enlightenment thought. The argument that Spinoza and Pierre Bayle should be seen as co-founders of the Enlightenment is also examined. The article further questions the cogency of the sharp distinction drawn between the moderate and radical wings of the movement, and seeks to determine whether the model of radicalism used by Israel has the consistency ascribed to it, whether it was as widely disseminated as claimed, and whether thinkers described as radical argued and wrote as Israel's model of radicalism would lead us to expect. 相似文献
100.