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141.
One of archaeology's greatest strengths is its reliance on interdisciplinary collaboration and the utilization of multiple lines of evidence to inform archaeological interpretation. For example, through an examination of faunal and floral remains, production and storage facilities, and the isotopic analysis of human skeletal remains one can develop a model for urban political ecology in ancient cultures. In this case study, the political ecology of the Casma capital city, El Purgatorio, Peru, is investigated in order to inform our interpretations and conclusions regarding Casma political, economic and social organization. The results indicate that Casma political ecology was firmly based in coastal resources and oriented towards supporting state-sponsored feasting and ritual activities, suggestive of a largely elite-controlled redistributive economy. In contrast to previous models characterizing this time period as one of factionalism and environmental stress, the data suggest that coastal cultural adaptations produced an era of widespread political and economic stability.  相似文献   
142.
Judicial impact statements, if used indiscriminately, can do little either to protect federal and state judiciaries or assist legislatures. This conclusion emerges clearly from well documented case material available with respect to federal executive experience, the California experience with impact statements, as well as independent interview data which is summarized here. As a result, the broader issue of the reasons and the possible meaning of the currency of such a strategy emerges. Two such issues are addressed here: the behavioral assumptions and power relations that underlie judicial reform.  相似文献   
143.
Kevin Perkins: Menzies: Last of the Queen's Men, Rigby, Adelaide, 1968, pp. 264, $5.50.  相似文献   
144.
Book reviews     
Hans Granqvist: The Red Guard: A Report on Mao's Revolution, trans. Erik J. Friis, Thomas Nelson, Melbourne, 1967, pp. 159 + ix, $5.95.

James A Maxwell: Commonwealth‐State Financial Relations in Australia, Melbourne University Press, 1967, pp. 124 + ix, $5.00.

J. R. Flynn: American Politics: a Radical View, Blackwood and Janet Paul Limited, Auckland, 1967, pp. 255, $5.50.

Colin Mackerras and Neale Hunter: China Observed, 1964/1967, Thomas Nelson, Melbourne, 1967, pp. 194, $4.95.

F. Alexander: Australia Since Federation, Thomas Nelson, Melbourne, 1967, pp. 352, well illustrated, $4.95, $2.50 (paperback).

G. R. Elton: The Practice of History, Sydney University Press, Sydney, 1967, pp. 178 + viii, $3.00.

A. Jones: Andrew Jones M.H.R. by Himself, Rigby Ltd., Adelaide, 1967, pp. 186, $0.95.

R. W. Connell and Florence Gould: Politics of The Extreme Right, Sydney Studies in Politics, No. 7, Sydney University Press, 1967, pp. 115, $2.50.

R. R. Walker: Communicators: People, Practices, Philosophies in Australian Advertising, Media, Marketing, Lansdowne Press, Melbourne, 1967, pp. 416, $10.

Basil Mitchell: Law, Morality and Religion in a Secular Society, Oxford University Press, London, 1967, pp. 141 + vii, $4.25.  相似文献   

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146.
During 1991, disquiet with the policy recommendations and ultimate economic effects of economists began to feature in debates over economic policy in Australia. One example was the emergence of a conservative critique of economic liberalism; another was the publication of Michael Pusey's research showing that ‘econocrats’, notably those in the federal bureaucracy, have distinctive, politically significant attitudes to the role of government. This paper considers the influence of economic orthodoxy as part of a broader phenomenon—the peculiarity and underdevelopment of our public institutional framework. In Australia, forms of intervention required for full employment simply do not exist. This partially explains both our comparatively poor macroeconomic performance since the 1970s and the propensity of government to embrace policies that abrogate social democratic commitments while economic conditions worsen.  相似文献   
147.
This paper offers lecturers and tutors a number of reflections upon practical strategies for improving the quality of tutorial teaching in the discipline of politics. It is assumed that a great deal of relevant learning can result from active and informed student discussion in small group tutorials, and that this is a commendable educational goal. Course organization and content will be considered in relation to how they may promote conditions for critical discussion between students. Particular attention, however, is directed to group process and the topics of fear and safety, power and authority, group norms, the ‘warm up’, group discussion techniques and closure. It is argued that tutorial teaching founded upon the use and adaptation of basic principles of group process can foster more open capacities for learning among students.  相似文献   
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149.
By definition, all condominiums share social features and challenges of governance, but they have inspired two separate narratives: as suburban, often gated, communities and as downtown high-rises or conversions. In Canada, as elsewhere, research has focused on large urban areas, neglecting subtly different dynamics in smaller centres. The purpose of this case study of mid-sized Hamilton, Ontario, was to assess whether and how those dynamics are different across a whole metro area, using newspapers and building permit data. It tracks the changing place of condo developments and conversions across Hamilton since 1970. For decades, most developments were suburban town (row) houses; since 2000, downtown revival has included conversions and taller, new-build projects. It argues that early developments and conversions reflected a “value gap” in relation to purpose-built rental apartments. Led by a migrant arts community, recent centralization has exploited an inner-city “rent gap,” coupled with a popular reassessment of urban living.  相似文献   
150.
Contemporary liberal governance requires constant access to a historical “reset” button, a simultaneous acknowledgement and disavowal of history. This is especially so in times of emergency or crisis; we are, supposedly, “all in this together.” The political economic institutions that facilitate this false solidarity—the anti-social contract—range from the mundane to emergency measures, but they share an origin in, and gain their legitimacy from, a key mechanism of liberal social life: contract. If contracts “settle” the past, what can build solidarity in the shadow of a past that cannot be settled?  相似文献   
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