Multi/Interdisciplinary investigations into Italy and World War I: An introduction

This introductory article details some of the main points that characterized Italian politics and culture in the period leading up to World War I and during the war itself, and then surveys the contributions of each article in this series that further investigates the period. The authors note the febrile nature of Italian domestic politics before the war which challenged traditional liberal parliamentarism. This political challenge was accompanied by a challenge to traditional art, and no movement epitomized these twin challenges to the old order like Futurism. Yet, though the Futurists and other nationalist groups glorified war and helped push Italy into the conflict, the country was hardly united. In fact, the hope was that war would finally unify the nation and erase the shame of Italy’s lackluster military performances since unification. As such, Italy’s cultural experience of the war was somewhat unique, in that the desire to prove its martial valor did not lead to the level of denunciations that other nations’ artists and writers produced – though there were some critics. Ialongo’s article traces the Futurist contribution to this pro-war ethic. Reich shows how the popularity of the Maciste alpino film during the war built upon this desire to unify the nation behind the war. And Palanti’s analysis of the post-war film Umanità notes that there were critics in Italy willing to challenge the cult of war.     

The Bullock Report on Industrial Democracy and the Post-War Consensus

The post-war settlement among the policy elite is central to much historical literature. This article considers the rise and fall of the idea of ‘industrial democracy’, and its relationship to this settlement. The elite failed to respond coherently to claims for workplace democracy. The notion that politicians could work with ‘the unions’ and ‘industry’ was shown to be deficient. The unions contained numerous views, many hostile to industrial democracy in the form proposed by Bullock and the TUC. Industry was almost uniformly antagonistic. The notion of consensus ostensibly underpinned the attempts of Labour and Conservative politicians to progress this issue. In truth, this was a curious approach. The debate over Bullock was, at root, an argument over whether the owners of capital should cede some of their power in favour of organised labour. There was never likely to be agreement on this. The inconclusive debate over Bullock ultimately showed how fragile the consensus was. The political elite could not forever smooth over underlying disagreements between capital and labour, or between groups of workers with differing interests.     

Freezing and melting behaviors of H2O‐NaCl‐CaCl2 solutions in fused silica capillaries and glass‐sandwiched films: implications for fluid inclusion studies

Fluid inclusions of the H₂O‐NaCl‐CaCl₂ system are notorious for their metastable behavior during cooling and heating processes, which can render microthermometric measurement impossible or difficult and interpretation of the results ambiguous. This study addresses these problems through detailed microscopic examination of synthetic solutions during cooling and warming runs, development of methods to enhance nucleation of hydrates, and comparison of microthermometric results with different degrees of metastability with values predicted for stable conditions. Synthetic H₂O‐NaCl‐CaCl₂ solutions with different NaCl/(NaCl + CaCl₂) ratios were prepared and loaded in fused silica capillaries and glass‐sandwiched films for microthermometric studies; pure solutions were used with the capillaries to simulate fluid inclusions, whereas alumina powder was added in the solutions to facilitate ice and hydrate crystallization in the sandwiched samples. The phase changes observed and the microthermometric data obtained in this study have led to the following conclusions that have important implications for fluid inclusion studies: (i) most H₂O‐NaCl‐CaCl₂ inclusions that appear to be completely frozen in the first cooling run to ?185°C actually contain large amounts of residual solution, as also reported in some previous studies; (ii) inability of H₂O‐NaCl‐CaCl₂ inclusions to freeze completely may be related to their composition (low NaCl/(NaCl + CaCl₂) ratios) and lack of solid particles; (iii) crystallization of hydrates, which is important for cryogenic Raman spectroscopic studies of fluid inclusion composition, can be greatly enhanced by finding an optimum combination of cooling and warming rates and temperatures; and (iv) even if an inclusion is not completely frozen, the melting temperatures of hydrohalite and ice are still valid for estimating the fluid composition.     

Political language in Italy and Great Britain

Abstract

Patrick McCarthy underlined the role of political language in the crisis of the Italian Republic. It was both a reflection of the crisis and an active agent of political change. A study of Berlusconi's political language reveals the importance of his new, simplified style of political communication in the creation of his party Forza Italia and of his own personal charisma. He has been able to adapt his rhetoric to changing political circumstances and to different publics. Romano Prodi was successful in 1996 in constructing his image as the ‘anti-Berlusconi’, and Walter Veltroni also broke with the old style of hermetic political discourse acknowledging the inspiration both of Robert Kennedy and Tony Blair, but the language of the centre-left in recent years has generally failed to convey a clear message and has perpetuated obscurity in order to conceal its internal divisions. A comparison with the political language of Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair reveals interesting similarities and differences. Thatcher, like Berlusconi, appealed to the need for national revival in the face of the threat from the left, but her language, unlike his, was rooted in the tradition of Protestant individualism and invigorated rather than challenging the existing party system. Blair managed to make skilful use of a new rhetoric of emotion and to incorporate elements of Thatcher's appeal in his ‘new Labour’ synthesis. In conclusion: McCarthy was deeply preoccupied with the possibility of an alternative and more honest style of political communication.     

第二轮修志概述编纂刍议--兼评《瑞金市志(1986～2000)》等概述

概述是对全志主要内容和基本规律的高度概括及阐述 ,以启示读者掌握全志之精华 ,利于读者更好地运用志书去为现实和三个文明建设服务。在总体把握上应注意 :概括性、学术性、论理性、导引性。在内容体现上应注意 :一是纵述史迹 ,以彰因果 ;二是总叙概况 ,以表客观条件 ;三是指点关节 ,以辨基本规律 ;四是昭示典型 ,以显地方优势 ;五是评量得失 ,以为将来之鉴。而所有这些又恰恰是在第二轮修志概述编写中应特别注意的问题。     

浅谈主编质量意识的强化

志书质量的优劣 ,主编是关键 ;而强化主编的质量意识 ,则是关键的关键。在修第二轮社会主义新方志时 ,主编应特别注重将质量问题摆在首位。总纂前要制定志书的质量标准 ,并建立完善的志书质量监督保证体系 ,采取切实有效的措施保证志书质量。只有始终牢固树立并强化全方位的质量意识 ,才能编纂出高质量的新方志。     

上海万国红十字会救济日俄战灾述论

日俄战争爆发后,为“医治战地因战被伤之战国及局外兵民,救护战地之无关战事因战被难人民”,1904年3月10日,中、英、法、德、美五国在上海发起成立“上海万国红十字会”,筹款募捐,添设分会,实施救援。三年中,救护出险、收治伤病、留养资遣、赈济安置总人数达46·7万人,谱写出一曲国际人道主义的颂歌。     

论清代中国东北与俄国贸易的变迁

有清一代中国东北与俄国的贸易大致可以分成自由交流、边境互市贸易、商埠贸易三个阶段;在贸易性质上,从作为外交关系的副产品转变为近代经济行为;在贸易规则上,由自发无序到法制有序;主要贸易场域则由边境蔓延至东北腹地.清代晚期中俄间的贸易始终是在俄国侵华背景下进行的,因此俄国为获益最大方.但中俄间经济联系的长期存在,对清代中国东北的开发及东北亚国际关系皆产生了重要影响.