全文获取类型
收费全文 | 276篇 |
免费 | 17篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 11篇 |
2018年 | 11篇 |
2017年 | 10篇 |
2016年 | 10篇 |
2015年 | 15篇 |
2014年 | 12篇 |
2013年 | 98篇 |
2012年 | 5篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 9篇 |
2009年 | 10篇 |
2008年 | 1篇 |
2007年 | 7篇 |
2006年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 4篇 |
2004年 | 7篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 3篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 4篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
1957年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有293条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
271.
272.
Francis Joseph Baigent 《英国考古学会志》2013,166(3):184-212
274.
275.
276.
Francis Young 《Intellectual History Review》2020,30(2):167-186
ABSTRACTIn 1583, Edward Kelley claimed to have made a number of archaeological discoveries on Northwick Hill in Worcestershire, including a forged document, the “Northwick scroll”, purportedly giving the location of treasure hidden by the Danes. The scroll was subsequently deciphered by Kelley’s employer, John Dee. Kelley’s hoax, which had to fool one of the country’s most learned men, was carefully constructed and drew on recent antiquarian work. However, Kelley also relied on older traditions of magical treasure hunting, thereby combining two apparently antithetical approaches to the past. The article uses the example of Kelley’s hoax to argue that hoaxes served a useful and illuminating function in the early development of archaeology by testing the boundaries of plausibility. Furthermore, Kelley’s synthesis of learned antiquarianism and treasure hunting challenges the view that Elizabethan antiquaries were unwilling to excavate. Kelley’s methodologies in constructing the hoax echoed those of William Camden and others by linking excavated objects with chronicles and landscape features to create an integrated account of an imagined past. However, the hoax’s success also rested on Dee’s willingness to become a treasure hunter, demonstrating that elite learned antiquarian endeavours were not always distant from the aims of traditional “hill diggers”. 相似文献
277.
Francis Ivanhoe 《International Journal of Osteoarchaeology》1994,4(4):311-342
Using computed femur (F) and tibia (T) volumes and cranial capacity (CC), the Pleistocene geomagnetic acromegalosis (PGMA) model of human evolution is tested in eight series of male skeleton sets (n = 123) from aboriginal North America and North Africa, the majority dated to the Holocene. The material was selected from the extensive multiracial osteometric data base previously assembled in the course of adult residual rickets (RR) skeletal plasticity research in archaeological populations of the Northern Hemisphere, controlling for optimal bone eutrophism, that is, for the absence of sunshine and calcium deficits and demographic stress. Six of the eight series are of hunter-gatherers, including a terminal Pleistocene mesolithic sample from the Maghreb. As predicted by PGMA, a clear osteotrophic response is observed between the F, T, and CC of these populations and their geomagnetic dipole field intensity (GMFI) backgrounds, here expressed in microteslas (μT); along with evidence that the GMFI-dependent osteotrophism is stronger near the sagittal plane. Slightly higher bioenvironmental correlations, also compatible with PGMA, are obtained with a composite environmental osteotrophism parameter (CEOT.J), which incorporates the reciprocal of the archaeological site's reconstructed mean July temperature as a synergizer of GMFI. In a final demonstration of the utility of the new computed osteovolumetrics, it is shown that Skhul IV, to judge from its size and proportions, is a hyperrobust pre-neanderthal male skeleton of early Late Pleistocene interglacial age, and belongs to the North African geographical race. 相似文献
278.
279.
280.
Although the fiftieth anniversary of the Nazi Doctors' Trialin 1946 and 1947 sparked significant debate about medical researchethics and the origins of the Nuremberg Code, historians haveso far paid little, if any, attention to Allied war crimes policyon the investigation of German medical atrocities, of whichthe Ravensbrück trials formed part. British war crimespolicy, in particular, was concerned with medical war crimescommitted by German scientists at the Ravensbrück concentrationcamp. Much of the evidence against some key defendants at theDoctors' Trial was compiled by British experts and made availableto the US prosecution. Although the British investigated thisgroup, some of the defendants were later extradited and triedwith the Nuremberg doctors. To date, little has been writtenabout the broader political and legal context of the first Ravensbrücktrial, its origin, and overall place in the context of Allieddenazification policy. The article investigates the genesisof the Ravensbrück trial and the extensive investigationsand discussions that preceded its opening. It looks at how membersof the German public perceived the Ravensbrück trial, andcontextualizes the British response to criticism levelled againstit at the dawn of the Cold War. It aims, in part, to reconstructthe wider historical context of postwar British policy on medicalwar crimes, and suggests that British war crimes investigationsconducted in preparation for the Ravensbrück trials formedone of the most substantial bodies of legal testimony and scientificexpertise on human rights violations in experimental human researchbefore the establishment of the Nazi Doctors' Trial. The articlealso acknowledges Britain's contribution to the war crimes programme,and emphasises that the memory of the first Ravensbrücktrial has largely been overshadowed by the publicity surroundingthe Nuremberg trials. 相似文献