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Eugene Watts 《Historical methods》2013,46(2):87-88
The Ottoman government obtained current information on the empire's sources of revenue through periodic registers called tahrir defterleri. These documents include detailed information on taxpaying subjects and taxable resources, making it possible to study the economic and social history of the Middle East and eastern Europe in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Although the use of these documents has been typically limited to the construction of local histories, adopting a more optimistic attitude toward their potential and using appropriate sampling procedures can greatly increase their contribution to historical scholarship. They can be used in comprehensive quantitative studies and in addressing questions of broader historical significance or larger social scientific relevance. 相似文献
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Eugene J. McCann 《对极》1999,31(2):163-184
Since the early 1990s, Henri Lefebvre's theory of the social production of space has become widely used by Anglophone academics to understand contemporary urban processes in the Western world. This article argues that care must be taken in transporting Lefbevre's theoretical framework from one context to another. When applied in places like U.S. cities, it must be contextualized in relation to significant sociospatial processes, especially race. It is also argued that when the racialized geographies of U.S. cities are taken into account, Lefebvre's work—with its focus on the role representation plays in the production of space—aids our understanding of contemporary urban processes. The article develops this argument through an engagement with the racialized public spaces in and around downtown Lexington, Kentucky. The killing of an African-American teenager by a White police officer and the ensuing violence and commentary, especially two editorial cartoons, provide the opportunity to contextualize Lefebvre's theory. Furthermore, the case allows us to understand the role racialized representations of space play into the construction of urban geographies. The paper concludes by emphasizing the role of the body in Lefebvre's understanding of space and suggests that his twin notions of "the right to the city" and "the right to difference" hold out hope for the grassroots development of antiracist urban public spaces. 相似文献
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Eugene Garver 《European Legacy》2014,19(7):833-853
Spinoza is the great philosopher of the imagination and the first great philosopher of democracy. Rather than seeing democracy as a form of government that has overcome the need for imagination and symbols, he shows in the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus that an enlightened state depends on three myths: the myth of the sovereignty of the people so as to reconcile democracy as rule by the people with each individual living as he or she wants to live; the myth that we are a people, emotionally and morally tied to some people more than to others; and, finally, the myth that the people comprises individuals who are responsible for their own destinies. The democratic imagination differs from earlier forms of politics in that the people construct the social imaginary for themselves and are guided by it without deception. It is the social imaginary thus created, or these three myths, that make room for freedom of thought and therefore for democracy. 相似文献
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Eugene W. Hickok Jr. 《Perspectives on Political Science》2013,42(4):216-222
Abstract Communitarians have expressed deep suspicion over the burgeoning project of human biological enhancement. This is hardly surprising because the best defenses of enhancement have largely treaded on libertarian-consequentialist grounds; they have ignored sentiments that communitarians prize most: features like love, care, belongingness, and solidarity. But defenses of enhancement need not necessarily rely on the liberal image of moral agents; it is possible to defend even evasive biological alterations in ways congenial to communitarian sympathies. The sentiments are elusive things, and they invariably motivate human action in often surprising and unobvious ways. Looking to the history of political thought, a close read of Adam Smith reveals that he defended technological artifice as a means to protect the human propensities toward love and belongingness. 相似文献