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Erica Benner 《Nations & Nationalism》2001,7(2):155-174
National doctrines are notoriously diverse, and often embody contradictory political values and criteria for membership. This article asks whether there is a ‘core’ national doctrine that connects republican, cultural, ethnic and liberal concepts of nationality. It considers two attractive candidates: one locating the ‘core’ in a doctrine about the political and psychological significance of pre‐political cultural identities, the other in the constitutional principle of popular sovereignty. After assessing the limitations of both, I sketch a different core national doctrine. This doctrine is constitutive and geopolitical, not constitutional or cultural. It has deep roots in the security concerns specific to the modern, pluralistic system of sovereign states, and prescribes in general terms the form that any community should take in order to survive or distinguish itself in that system. It says very little about the appropriate basis for such communities; the choice of political, cultural, ethnic or even racial criteria is left wide open. More than other versions, this ‘core’ is able to identify the common ground between cultural, constitutional, and other national doctrines. It also puts a sharp focus on the reasons why, historically, national and liberal values have been so hard to combine. 相似文献
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‘The Party Hack,and Tool of the British Government’: T.P. O'Connor,America and Irish Party Resilience at the February 1918 South Armagh By‐Election 下载免费PDF全文
Erica Doherty 《Parliamentary History》2015,34(3):339-364
The common view of Irish electoral politics for the 1916 to 1918 period is one of major decline for the traditional nationalist representatives, the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), and the meteoric rise of the newly reconstituted Sinn Féin party; culminating in the latter's overwhelming victory at the December 1918 general election. By examining the February 1918 South Armagh by‐election campaign, this article argues that the Irish Parliamentary Party, which won the contest, was much more resilient than is often acknowledged. Through detailed analysis of election pamphlets, newspaper articles, private correspondence and committee minutes, it considers the significance of the grass‐roots strength of both in the form of their local organisations, the role of the Roman catholic church, and the election strategies of the two parties; in particular Sinn Féin's vilification of the IPP member, T.P. O'Connor, who was in America at the time of the contest. 相似文献
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Erica Joy Mannucci 《History of European Ideas》2013,39(4):441-442
This article examines the excitement that Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments generated in France during the French Revolution, focusing particularly on the writings of political theorists, participants and commentators such as the abbé Sieyès, Pierre-Louis R?derer, the Marquis de Condorcet and Sophie de Grouchy Condorcet, who were dismayed at their political opponents’ use of Rousseau, and looked to Smith for an understanding of the passions that was compatible with democratic sovereignty and representative government. In the political context of the early 1790s, clarifying the concept of natural sociability, which Rousseau had rejected, but Smith and Helvétius, in different ways, each regarded as indispensible to a society dependent on advanced division of labour, became a central concern in the public lectures delivered by Pierre-Louis R?derer as the Terror took hold. 相似文献
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Gender-informed archaeology: The priority of definition, the use of analogy, and the multivariate approach 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Erica Hill 《Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory》1998,5(1):99-128
Despite recent efforts to construct gender theory in archaeology, I assert that no methodological or theoretical breakthroughs
have occurred. This lack of progress is due to several factors. First, fundamental terms such as “theory,” “gender,” and “sex”
have been used inconsistently; I suggest some working definitions for these terms. Second, researchers have resorted to the
use of analogical arguments that implicitly deny the role of gender in the organization of human relations. Third, feminist
political agendas have been conflated with research questions. In order to address some of these issues, I suggest that the
application of a multivariate approach to the study of gender can avoid the problems inherent in any one line of evidence.
Finally, I argue that a consideration of the scale of gender questions is essential to the application of existing theoretical
frameworks to gender archaeologically. 相似文献
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Erica Hill 《Environmental Archaeology》2019,24(4):434-448
ABSTRACTArchaeological and ethnohistoric evidence from the coast of western Alaska and St. Lawrence Island indicate that human inhabitants over the past 1500–2000 years incorporated birds into their diets, cosmologies, material culture, and daily activities. Following a brief discussion of the archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence for human–bird relations, this article explores the evidence for birds as both an economic and cosmological resource at the Ipiutak site on the northwest coast of Alaska. Several lines of evidence indicate that hunters and shamans have consistently attempted to mimic or acquire the abilities and physical attributes of select bird taxa, reflecting a sophisticated knowledge of bird behaviours and life histories. A specific concern with vision – shamanic, predatory, and post-mortem – is inferred from an unusual Ipiutak burial assemblage that contained a loon skull with ivory eyes. Considered in light of the broader cemetery assemblage, which includes artefacts with bird imagery, the Ipiutak material is interpreted as evidence of perspectivism in western arctic prehistory. 相似文献