Baseline data for Andean paleomobility research: a radiogenic strontium isotope study of modern Peruvian agricultural soils

While the use of radiogenic strontium isotope values to examine paleomobility is increasingly common in the Andes, and beyond, many questions about baseline variability remain. To better understand baseline radiogenic strontium isotope compositions in the Andes, we present new ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr values from Peruvian soil samples. Modern soil samples were collected from agricultural fields from the following areas in central and southern Peru: Arequipa, Atico, Camaná, Chala, Cusco, Ica, Ilo, Lima, Mejía, Moquegua, Nazca, Ocoña, Palpa, Pisco, Puno, Tacna, and Yauca. Samples were partially dissolved to better approximate the bioavailable strontium. Radiogenic strontium isotope values from the partially dissolved soil samples range from ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr?=?0.70202 to 0.71894 and, for all soil samples, have a mean of ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr?=?0.70773?±?0.00166 (1σ, n?=?114). In general, the ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr values measured for soil samples collected from modern agricultural fields reflect the expected ⁸⁷Sr/⁸⁶Sr values based on bedrock geology. Comparing our new soil data with published radiogenic strontium isotope data for bedrock, soil, water, and faunal samples provides constraints on the regions in the Andes that can, and cannot, be distinguished through radiogenic strontium isotope analysis.     

Private Conflict and Policy Passage: Interest-Group Conflict and State Medical Malpractice Reform

James Madison argued in Federalist 10 that "rival political factions" work against the public good. In contrast to Madison's pessimistic account, I suggest that factional conflict can lead to more representative public policy, and thus further the will of the people. I theorize that elected officials often seek a safe political position—one that corresponds to the preferences of the public at large—during periods of high conflict. I assess this theory in one, salient policy area, medical malpractice. I measure conflict with contributions for state candidates given by (i) the health and insurance industries, which generally support malpractice laws, and (ii) lawyers, who frequently oppose the laws. I find that group conflict matters to policy outcomes. I also find evidence that, under conditions of elevated conflict, adopted policies are more likely to move toward the general ideological preferences of the public at large. These results suggest that group conflict affects both the quantity and character of policy in the American states.     

Tibet and the Problem of Radical Reductionism

Abstract:  This article takes issue with a mode of argumentation advanced by a number of left-leaning, radical scholars, including those associated with China's New Left, about the causes of the Tibetan unrest in China in spring 2008. According to this stance, the Tibetan protests were the result of external manipulation by neoconservative, reactionary forces, ranging from the CIA to the Dalai Lama. The unstated premise of this response is that taking a critical stance against western imperialism and neoliberal globalization necessitates a defense of China's policies in Tibet. Such arguments take the form of unfavorable comparisons between Tibetans and Palestinians especially because the former are often romanticized, suggestions that Tibetans are unfortunate ideological victims of US-funded propaganda, and claims that they should be grateful for Chinese state-funded development. This response renders Tibetans incapable of being authentic political subjects. A radical stance on Western imperialism and capitalism should reject such reductionism.