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Collaborative governance processes seek to engage diverse policy actors in the development and implementation of consensus-oriented policy and management actions. Whether this is achieved, however, largely depends on the degree to which actors with different beliefs coordinate their actions to achieve common policy goals—a behavior known as cross-coalition coordination. Drawing on the Advocacy Coalition Framework and collaborative governance literatures, this study analyzes cross-coalition coordination in three collaborative environmental governance processes that seek to manage water in the Colorado River Basin. Through comparative analysis, it highlights the complex relationship among the institutional design of a collaborative governance process, how and why actors choose to engage in cross-coalition coordination, and the consequent policy outputs they produce. The findings advance policy scholars’ nascent understanding of cross-coalition coordination and its potential to affect policymaking dynamics.  相似文献   
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Our work here extends a study in which we identified a set of task models used by early Swift Creek artisans to produce paddle designs. Reconstructed procedures for early bandwork compositions highlighted the importance of the placement of guide points and guidelines to the final product as well as the hierarchal nature of the production sequence, leading to the realization that designs can be profitably classified by the geometry of these initial steps. In this paper, we examine two layout classes defined from observations across some of the more common core elements in the Swift Creek design corpus. We then seriate the most common of the core elements, the Omega, by virtue of variation in its visual characteristics. We draw on the stratigraphic sequence at Fairchild’s Landing (9SE14), Seminole County, Georgia, as a test of the core-element seriation and discuss developmental differences in the Omega between two prolific Swift Creek regions, the lower Chattahoochee River of southwestern Georgia and southeastern Alabama and the lower Ocmulgee and upper Satilla rivers of central and south-central Georgia, on the other.  相似文献   
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In Thomas Heywood’s Emblematicall Dialogue (1637), “Two modest Virgins, of unequall time” discuss love and marriage, focusing on the crucial moment when the maid makes her transition from maid to wife. As the meaning of each naked emblem and of the dialogue form as a whole is revealed through the passing moments of the argument so is the meaning of this moment in time which the maid faces. Cultural and biological imperatives construct time for the maid and become the ground of the debate and of her choices at this pivotal moment which will determine her success or failure as a woman in seventeenth-century England.  相似文献   
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In the bid for a non-permanent seat on the United Nations (UN) Security Council, the Australian government emphasised international peace and security and Indigenous peoples as two of the eight key elements supporting its nomination. Australia's positive track record in support of the UN Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, including the delivery of an Australian National Action Plan (NAP) along with recognition of historical injustices to Indigenous Australians, was highlighted as a valid and important argument in favour of its nomination. The Australian NAP, however, has all but ignored the local context in its development and application, focusing instead on its commitments abroad. This framing of the Australian NAP is informed, firstly, by the WPS agenda policy framework applying to conflict and post-conflict situations, and, secondly, by its location within the UN mandate, requiring those situations to be internationally recognised. This article applies Nancy Fraser's tripartite justice framework to reveal that the Australian NAP gives rise to the political injustice of ‘misrepresentation’ in relation to intra-state (violent), domestically situated Indigenous–settler relations, which are denied the status of ongoing internationally recognised conflict. The author suggests that the remedy to this injustice is to reframe and recognise the conflict status of Indigenous–settler relations in the localisation of the Australian NAP. This localisation creates openings for Indigenous Australian women to engage with the WPS agenda in meaningful ways.  相似文献   
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