America's Misguided Mission

In Democracy by force , Karin von Hippel provided a useful analysis of the mistakes made and lessons learned by the United States in using military force to promote democracy during the Cold War. However, more fundamental issues with regard to the intentions and consequences of American intervention are left unexplored. US policy-makers mistakenly believe that spreading democracy will itself enhance international security. Democracy needs liberalism to produce peace; indeed, as Yugoslavia and Rwanda illustrate, illiberal democracy can bring war. This article concludes that American might could be put to better moral use in preventing massive violations of human rights, rather than in promoting democracy.     

Southern Unionism and the New Labour Internationalism

The paper traces the genesis of SIGTUR, a new network/organization of southern unions that has been built over the past decade, which brings together democratic unions from Latin America, Southern Africa, Asia and Australasia. The impact of neoliberal globalisation has spurred this action, and Australian unions—with their rich tradition of labour internationalism—have been at the forefront. The paper shows how the initial hostility of the established trade union internationals has been transformed into strategic alliances as the internationals have come to value SIGTUR's campaign orientation. The paper argues that SIGTUR has continued to expand because of its strong emphasis on internal democracy. The new southern alliance is one instance of a search for a new form of unionism—global social movement unionism—that may offer greater scope for a more effective resistance to the logic of globalisation. In the new millennium, this search is critical if unions are to rekindle the vision and the confidence that drove the early movement.     

Contestability of Australian Federal Elections

Using data on federal elections for both the Upper and Lower Houses in Australia and the Herfindahl–Hirschman Index (HHI), we explore whether the contestability/concentration varies across elections. Our results show significant movements in contestability over time. The results also imply a smaller degree of concentration than we would expect to find in a two-party system. To the extent that the Upper House (Senate) – until the 2004 election – is not controlled by the executive, this implies a greater level of political competition, and choice for voters, than that associated with two-party systems.