A “Southern interference in the North's affairs”: the prospect of Fianna Fáil as an all-Ireland party, 1926–2011

This article demonstrates that Fianna Fáil's efforts in 2007 and thereafter to reconfigure as an all-Ireland party represented a volte-face in policy. From an historical perspective, since Fianna Fáil's establishment in 1926, consecutive leaders from Éamon de Valera to Albert Reynolds in the 1990s consistently refused to remodel the party on an all-Ireland basis. Rather than participating in Northern Ireland mainstream politics, Fianna Fáil was fixated with firstly securing, and then maintaining, a republican government in the south of Ireland. Accordingly, in the words of Lemass speaking in 1964, any “Southern interference in the North's affairs” was habitually ruled out by the Fianna Fáil leadership.     

A Difficult Dialogue: Statements of Compatibility and the Victorian Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities Act

As a ‘third-wave’ Bill of Rights, the Victorian Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities Act is premised on the twin goals of creating a ‘culture of rights’ within the bureaucracy and the emergence of a rights-based dialogue between Cabinet and the Parliament of Victoria through statements of compatibility. The first objective has been advanced through a revised policy process within the bureaucracy, but a dialogic engagement between Parliament and the Cabinet has yet to emerge in a substantive way. A number of factors account for this modest parliamentary dialogue: first, the functioning of a statutory Bill of Rights in a moderately sized Parliament with a strong partisan orientation; second, the general reluctance of the Cabinet to alter legislation once introduced into Parliament despite compatibility disagreements identified by the Scrutiny of Acts and Regulations Committee; and finally, the approach by both the Cabinet and backbenchers to statements of compatibility that limit their ability to facilitate rights-based parliamentary scrutiny. This article explores the contemporary difficulties of a parliamentary dialogue emerging in Victoria that are, in large part, the result of an unintended tension between pre-introduction scrutiny by the bureaucracy on behalf of the Cabinet, and secondly, the weakness of post-introduction scrutiny facilitated by Scrutiny of Acts and Regulations Committee via statements of compatibility.     

Examining Implementation of the National Voter Registration Act by Nonprofit Organizations: An Institutional Explanation

The 1993 National Voter Registration Act authorizes nonprofit social service organizations to conduct nonpartisan voter registration drives, with the aim of making the process more accessible for low‐income citizens and segments of the population historically underrepresented in the political process. Although more than 15 years have elapsed since this important reform was enacted, very little is known about the extent to which nonprofits have embraced this practice, and what factors explain their decision to do so. Drawing upon institutional theory, this article examines the propensity of nonprofit social service organizations to carry out nonpartisan voter registration and voter mobilization campaigns in a national election year. A series of hypotheses are tested using data from a random sample of several hundred nonprofit service organizations in the United States that were surveyed prior to the 2008 election. Findings suggest that institutional factors, especially state laws, are highly influential in shaping the decision of local level nonprofits to register voters. The article concludes with a discussion of policy implications of this study.