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81.
Manuel Llorca-Jaña 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2013,41(2):215-238
In 1808, after the Portuguese royal family was forced to leave Portugal and move to Brazil, Brazilian ports were opened to British merchant houses, which were quick to open offices in the likes of Bahia and Rio de Janeiro. By 1810 there were probably over 200 British merchant houses operating in Brazil, but we know very little about them because most of their historical records have not survived. In addition, scholars have assumed that, on account of the dominant British economic power, the establishment of new mercantile houses in South America c. 1808–19 was an easy task. This assumption is challenged in this paper, which sheds new light on the activities of one of these British merchant houses, making use of a recently discovered business collection concerned with the activities of Wylie & Hancock, a Scottish house which operated in Brazil and the River Plate from 1808 to 1819. These papers also provide a unique insight into neglected topics such as: the nature of managerial mercantile organisations; what the economic actors at the time actually did and thought; and how strategic and tactical choices were reached. 相似文献
82.
对于一个城市.旅游业应该讲求商机的“务实”,夜市其实是一门“生意”,而且.可以是门庞大的生意。台湾旅游观光协会曾做过一项调查:“旅客对台湾印象最深,最流连忘返的去处并非华丽的购物商场或是名山胜水,而是夜市。”的确.台湾从北部到南部,大大小小的夜市不计其数.其夜市文化自成一格.很具地方特色.既是小吃的集散地.也聚集着各种各样售卖流行服饰、手工艺品的摊贩。 相似文献
83.
清末民初的新疆正值多事之秋,伊犁武装起义的成功震撼全省。新疆巡抚袁大化因省军军力不敷使用,饬令杨增新招练回军马队五营。杨增新却借机网罗了一批回族豪杰之士,将回军马队打造成近似于私家军队,并在回队和穆斯林政治集团的鼎力支持下,使用灵活的政治手腕,最终夺取新疆都督的宝座,由此拉开了杨增新时代的序幕。 相似文献
84.
Alicia Muñoz 《Journal of Latin American Cultural Studies (Travesia)》2014,23(2):153-172
Doña Catalina de los Ríos y Lisperguer, known as ‘La Quintrala,’ a seventeenth-century aristocratic woman of mixed ancestry accused of torture, witchcraft, and murder, has persisted as a recurring figure in the Chilean imaginary. While literary representations of this figure have been well explored, this article contributes an examination of two visual narratives, paying particular attention to the manner in which genre and context influence the repurposing of this violent woman: the 1986 teleserie La Quintrala, produced by Chile's state-owned television station (TVN), and the Chilean newspaper Las últimas noticias's 2008 comic ‘La Quintrala y el Cristo de Mayo.’ The teleserie, a product of the Pinochet era, positions her as an antithesis to the ideal Chilean woman, simultaneously denying her agency and condemning her. The comic echoes the rhetoric of the Concertación governments as it prominently links La Quintrala's downfall and redemption to the genesis of modern Chile at the cost of her distinctive racial and gendered characteristics. Ultimately, each work employs the structure of confession to recall her crimes while rejecting the female agency and racially mixed heritage La Quintrala represents. 相似文献
85.
86.
Jorge Canals Piñas 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2016,21(2):283-297
In the year 1916 Enrique Díaz Retg, a staff journalist working for the Spanish newspaper El Diluvio, extremely popular among Barcelona’s working class readers, was assigned to report from the Italian front. Following an invitation from the Italian Foreign Office, he was granted permission to visit war zones under the control of the Italian army. During this journey, which began on 5 September and concluded in Rome on the 22nd, he traveled with two other famous Spanish reporters, Ramón Pérez de Ayala and Eduardo Gómez de Baquero. Comparing the articles produced by the three journalists allows us to perceive the main distinctive features of Enrique Díaz Retg’s work. From an ideological point of view, his articles reveal a bias in favor of the Latin race and in them he calls for Mediterranean nations to unite, openly inviting the Spanish authorities to enter into war against the barbaric German enemy. In doing so, he contributed to widening the social gap that in the years to come would increasingly alienate the working class from the institution of monarchy and the Catalan elites. 相似文献
87.
This article addresses social inclusion/integration with reference to peripheral Slovak Roma. Based on ethnographic data, it argues that even in communities of so-called ‘unadaptables’, integration has progressed considerably, but not necessarily along the lines envisioned by the agencies which are propelling ‘Roma inclusion’ as a pan-European project. The article considers early motherhood, juvenile prostitution and unconventional municipal politicians as examples of bottom-up inclusion efforts that don’t threaten traditional notions of cultural and political autonomy. 相似文献
88.
Over more than a century, several proposals have been made on the composition and technical features of the pictorial recipes used by Levantine prehistoric painters. In this paper all these proposals are surveyed and tested through systematic experiments to determine the technical affordance of pigments and binders in different pictorial recipes. Experimental results were then used as independent analytical parameters employed as diagnostic criteria to systematically study an archaeological sample of nine sites located in the Maestrazgo region (Spain) and their surroundings. Results reveal that out of 112 experimental recipes, only 16 afforded the production of paintings technically similar to Levantine rock art. 相似文献
89.
90.
Humberto R. Núñez Faraco 《History of European Ideas》2018,44(1):49-59
Viscardo’s Letter to the Spanish Americans inaugurates a tradition of nonconformist political writing against Spanish colonial rule during the second half of the eighteenth century, a period characterized by the Crown’s attempt to reorganize several aspects of the colonial administration. As an ex-Jesuit living in exile after the expulsion of the Society of Jesus from all Spanish territories in 1767, Viscardo had a political as much as a personal motive in designing a project that would cut the colonial ties between Spain and the New World. His plans for emancipation included the instauration of a monarchical form of government, but his design was out of touch with reality and would have hardly been taken seriously by the inhabitants had a British-backed expeditionary force reached the coasts of Chile and Peru, as he had planned. While Viscardo’s Letter may have stirred a sense of creole patriotism some years after his death, the political scruples of the ancien regime based on social privileges and racial distinctions were too strong to be dismantled by mere ideals of freedom, justice and equality. Thus, effective political participation was restricted to the creole elite, whom Viscardo saw as the legitimate guarantor of social order and economic prosperity. 相似文献