全文获取类型
收费全文 | 6125篇 |
免费 | 238篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 27篇 |
2020年 | 85篇 |
2019年 | 121篇 |
2018年 | 409篇 |
2017年 | 367篇 |
2016年 | 407篇 |
2015年 | 144篇 |
2014年 | 129篇 |
2013年 | 1394篇 |
2012年 | 143篇 |
2011年 | 291篇 |
2010年 | 324篇 |
2009年 | 186篇 |
2008年 | 194篇 |
2007年 | 172篇 |
2006年 | 107篇 |
2005年 | 96篇 |
2004年 | 86篇 |
2003年 | 82篇 |
2002年 | 84篇 |
2001年 | 94篇 |
2000年 | 65篇 |
1999年 | 58篇 |
1998年 | 53篇 |
1997年 | 65篇 |
1996年 | 37篇 |
1995年 | 49篇 |
1994年 | 48篇 |
1993年 | 50篇 |
1992年 | 50篇 |
1991年 | 38篇 |
1990年 | 37篇 |
1989年 | 19篇 |
1988年 | 49篇 |
1987年 | 42篇 |
1986年 | 40篇 |
1985年 | 53篇 |
1984年 | 61篇 |
1983年 | 57篇 |
1982年 | 49篇 |
1981年 | 54篇 |
1980年 | 44篇 |
1979年 | 45篇 |
1978年 | 43篇 |
1977年 | 36篇 |
1976年 | 43篇 |
1975年 | 23篇 |
1974年 | 32篇 |
1973年 | 22篇 |
1972年 | 24篇 |
排序方式: 共有6363条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
991.
Marc David Turetzky 《Congress & the Presidency》2013,40(1):93-99
Busby, Robert. Reagan and the Iran-Contra Affair: The Politics of Presidential Recovery. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999. Pp. xi, 222. $65.00, hardbound. Garrison, Jean A. Games Advisors Play: Foreign Policy in the Nixon and Carter Administrations. College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 1999. Pp. xi, 192. $34.95, hardbound. Hogan, Michael J. A Cross of Iron: Harry S. Truman and the Origins of the National Security State, 1945-1954. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Pp. v, 525. $37.95, hardbound. Hyland, William G. Clinton's World: Remaking American Foreign Policy. Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999. Pp. i, 221. $24.95, hardbound. 相似文献
992.
993.
David C. Nice 《Congress & the Presidency》2013,40(2):209-220
Analysis of the effects of the single, six-year term proposal by assessing its probable impact on presidential tenure in the past reveals that it would have reduced the tenure of highly regarded presidents who were relatively successful in dealing with Congress and increased the tenure of presidents with lackluster reputations and limited success in congressional relations. Thus, by inference, the adoption of this widely-touted institutional reform might undermine rather than strengthen presidential leadership in American politics. 相似文献
994.
K. S. Roberts 《Romance Quarterly》2013,60(2):93-101
The present article focuses on the role of paratextual elements—epigram, marginal notes, and musical partitures—in Juan Benet's Un viaje de invierno (1976), with special emphasis on their role in the reading process. Gérard Genette's work on paratexts will serve as a helpful entry to my analysis of the Spaniard's novel. When conceived as the components of a liminal space that mediates text and off-text, Benet's paratexts serve to explore and enrich the zona de sombras inherent to his narrative vision. This slippage situates readers on the thresholds of interpretation and underscores the indeterminate quality of aesthetic (re-)creation. The interconnected, and often contentious, “zones” of the work engender multiple readings, vitiate chronology, and reinforce several recurring themes such as alienation, death, and rebirth. The novel brings to the fore the reader's role in negotiating the highly indeterminant components of the text and the paratext. Through this process, Benet eschews the tenets of casticismo and highlights the role of enigma central to his literary theory and praxis. 相似文献
995.
Alfreda K. Stallman 《Romance Quarterly》2013,60(4):204-208
996.
997.
Gregory T.K. Wong 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2013,27(1):84-110
In recent years, there seems to be a general consensus that in its current canonical form, the book of Judges is redacted out of a pro-Judah bias that seeks to glorify the tribe of David at the expense of the other tribes. Approaching the issue from a literary/rhetorical perspective, this article seeks to challenge this consensus by re-examining the evidence for an alleged direct pro-Judah polemic in Judges. It is argued that in each case where an instance of direct pro-Judah polemic is alleged to have been found, either Judah is discovered not to be portrayed as positively as initially thought, or its positive portrayal can be explained more credibly by factors other than a pro-Judah polemic. 相似文献
998.
K. Arvid Tångberg 《SJOT: Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament》2013,27(1):51-65
Abstract First, how does Haggai “construct” the temple, i.e. what view does he hold of it, its function and its significance? The answer here is that, whatever the Second Temple actually was, Haggai does not construct it as a place of sacrifice, a house of prayer, a location of the presence of God, a pivot of the economic system of Judah, a focus of ethnic identity, etc., but as a treasury. It must be rebuilt because it is a shame (not “glory") for Yahweh not to have a “house” in which treasures of silver and gold belonging to him can be stored and exhibited (2,7–9). And this temple must be rebuilt quickly because of the imminent political‐military upheaval ("shaking") of the earth that will result in booty in large quantities arriving in Jerusalem. Second, is there anything in the text of the book that undermines this “construction” of the temple? Yes, there is an underlying conflict in the text (amounting to a deconstruction) over the issue of honour Yahweh is dishonoured by the ruined state of the temple, but it is not the rebuilding of the temple that will bring him honour. Further, the designation of the Judaeans and the “work of their hands” as “unclean” (2,14) deconstructs the text's placing responsibility for the rebuilding in their hands. Further still, the sudden narrowing of focus to Zerubbabel in the closing verses of the book (2,20–23), and the unprepared designation of him as an eschatological king, deconstructs the prophecy's professed concern with the temple. Third, can these deconstructionists be deployed in the service of a reconstruction? Here I use the axiom that texts exist in order to repress social conflicts. Yes, we can first reconstitute the social reality implied by the text: from the deconstruction over the issue of honour we can reconstruct the conflict between enthusiasts for temple rebuilding and resisters. From the deconstruction over cleanness and uncleanness we can reconstruct the conflict between the leadership and the proletariat. From the deconstruction regarding Zerubbabel we can reconstruct the political conflict over the governorship. And yes, we can secondly “construct” the social reality created by the reading of the text today. Here we can see how the reading of the text by biblical scholars functions as a repression of conflicts of interest and ideology among different groups of readers, and how the deconstructability of the text can serve to bring such conflict to consciousness. 相似文献
999.
1000.
David Drake 《Modern & Contemporary France》2013,21(3):351-356
‘Amerindians’ represent only a small proportion—currently estimated at 3–4%—of the sparse but rapidly growing population of France's South American département d'outre-mer. Yet the existence of ‘autochthonous’ communities in Guyane presents legal, political, cultural and environmental challenges to the concepts of republican universalism ostensibly established in 1946 alongside its status as an overseas department of France. Using an Amerindian cultural centre as a case study, this article seeks to explain how representations of ‘Amerindian’ identities in Guyane are constructed both alongside and against a traditional framework of opposition between universal commonality and cultural particularism. Through engagement with museum ethnography and analysis of personal narrative and collective action, the article traces conflicts and compromises surrounding ‘indigeneity’ and citizenship in the face of state non-recognition of ethnicity. It argues that the politics of Amerindian identity, from citizenship rights to ecotourism, has increasingly been characterised by an emphasis on ‘ecological’ relationships.Les « Amérindiens » ne constituent que 3 à 4 % de la population de la Guyane – seul département d'outre-mer de France en Amérique du Sud – une population relativement faible et dispersée mais qui connaît une croissance rapide. Cependant, l'existence de communautés « autochtones » dans ce département présente des défis juridiques, politiques, culturels et environnementaux face à l’universalisme républicain établi au moment où la Guyane est devenue département, en 1946. Cet article s'appuie sur le cas d'un centre culturel amérindien pour exposer comment les représentations de l'identité « amérindienne » en Guyane se construisent à la fois avec et contre l'opposition traditionnelle entre les communalités universellement partagées et le particularisme culturel. S'appuyant sur l'ethnographie muséologique et sur l'analyse des récits individuels et de l'action collective, l'article reconstitue les conflits et les compromis autour de « l'autochtonie » et de la citoyenneté face à l'aveuglement officiel de l'État par rapport à l'idée de l'ethnicité. L'article suggère que, des droits citoyens à l'écotourisme, la politique identitaire « amérindienne » se caractérise de plus en plus par une emphase sur les relations sociales « écologiques »; c'est-à-dire entre hommes, femmes et environnement. 相似文献