Late Glacial and Holocene Vegetation History at Dublin Bog North-Central Tasmania

Percentage and influx pollen analyses of a 9.17 m core from Dublin Bog give a post last glaciation vegetation history (-13.6 to 0 ka BP) for the upper Mersey Valley. Herbaceous vegetation of Gramineae, Compositae and Chenopodiaceae developed rapidly after deglaciation and lasted until 13.2 ka BP. Around 13 ka BP Eucalyptus woodland and forest developed rapidly on the valley floor. At the same time Pomaderris apetala became an important understorey shrub/tree, and Phyllocladus aspleniifolius rainforest developed in the gullies on the upper slopes of the Mersey Valley and in the valleys to the west The major change in climate from late glacial cold (and probably drier conditions) to warm humid conditions similar to present occurred between 13.2 and 13 ka BP. Wet sclerophyll Eucalyptus forest occupied the valley throughout the post glacial and attained its maximum development between 11.7 and 8.4 ka BP. Rainforest never occupied the valley floor extensively. Phyllocladus aspleniifolius sattained an early maximum about 13 ka BP. The peak of Pomaderris apetala and expansion of Dicksonia antarctica suggests that the climate was warmer and wetter between 10.3 and 8.4 ka BP than at other times. Nothofagus attained its maximum development between about 10.3 and 6 ka BP. Both sclerophyll and rainforest vegetation associations in the upper Mersey Valley appear to have been very stable and similar to their present floristic compositions during the Holocene. Aborigines occupied the valley by 10 ka BP. Fire was always present in this marginal area between the wet climate of western and the dry climate of eastern Tasmania. Fire did not cause replacement of rainforest by wet sclerophyll forest on the valley floor, though it could have prevented rainforest establishment     

Sexual Politics and the Vietnam Quagmire

Robert Dean . Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy . Anhorst, MA : University of Massachusetts Press , 2002 , 304 pp. Illustrations. $ (hardcover), $ (paper).     

The Supreme Court and the Interstate Slave Trade: A Study in Evasion, Anarchy, and Extremism

Opponents of slavery often argued that the federal government possessed the constitutional authority to outlaw the interstate slave trade. At its founding in 1833, the American Anti‐Slavery Society declared that Congress “has a right, and is solemnly bound, to suppress the domestic slave trade between the several States.” The idea had been endorsed earlier, during the Missouri controversy of 1819–1820, by both John Jay and Daniel Webster. Later on, in the 1840s and 1850s, it was supported by such prominent politicians as John Quincy Adams, Salmon P. Chase, and Charles Sumner. Defenders of slavery were, of course, horrified by the suggestion that the South's peculiar institution might be attacked in this way, and they vehemently denied that the Constitution permitted any such action. The prolonged debate over the issue focused on two key provisions of the Constitution. One was the Commerce Clause (Article I, Section 8, Clause 3), which says that Congress has the power to “regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes.” The other was the 1808 Clause (Article I, Section 9, Clause 1), which says that the “Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight.” Abolitionists held that the Constitution sanctioned congressional interference in the domestic slave trade both generally, by virtue of the Commerce Clause, and specifically, by virtue of the 1808 Clause. They argued that since slaves were routinely bought and sold, they obviously were articles of commerce, and therefore Congress had unlimited authority over interstate slave trafficking. Furthermore, they said, the words “migration or importation” in the 1808 Clause meant that as of January 1, 1808 Congress had acquired the right not only to ban the importation of slaves, but also to prohibit their migration from one state to another. Defenders of slavery replied that Congress could not interfere in property rights and that the power to regulate commerce did not include the power to destroy it. They also said that the word “migration” in the 1808 Clause referred, not to the domestic movement of slaves, but to the entry into the United States of white immigrants from abroad. ¹     

New approaches to deterrence in Britain, France, and the United States

The three western nuclear powers have in recent years been more preoccupied with threats from regional powers armed with weapons of mass destruction than with potential major power threats. London, Paris, and Washington have each substantially reduced their deployed nuclear forces and sharply cut back their range of delivery systems since the end of the Cold War in 1989‐1991. While each has manifested greater interest in non‐nuclear capabilities for deterrence, each has attempted, with varying degrees of clarity, to define options for limited nuclear use. All three have articulated their nuclear employment threats within a conceptual framework intended to promote deterrence. Despite the differences in their approaches and circumstances, the three western nuclear powers are grappling with tough and, to some extent, unanswered questions: what threat will deter? To what extent have the grounds for confidence in deterrence been diminished? To what extent has it been prudent to scale back deployed nuclear capabilities and redefine threats of nuclear retaliation? To what extent would limited nuclear options enhance deterrence and simplify nuclear employment decisions? What level of confidence should be placed in the full array of deterrence and containment measures? To what extent is deterrence national policy, and to what extent is it Alliance policy?     

HEGEMONY,IMPERIALISM, AND THE CONSTRUCTION OF RELIGION IN EAST AND SOUTHEAST ASIA1

Edward Said's concept of Orientalism portrays the high tide of nineteenth‐century imperialism as the defining moment in the establishment of a global discursive hegemony, in which European attitudes and concepts gained a universal validity. The idea of “religion” was central to the civilizing mission of imperialism, and was shaped by the interests of a number of colonial actors in a way that remains visibly relevant today. In East and Southeast Asia, however, many of the concerns that statecraft, law, scholarship, and conversion had for religion transcended the European impact. Both before and after the period of European imperialism, states used religion to engineer social ethics and legitimate rule, scholars elaborated and enforced state theologies, and the missionary faithful voiced the need for and nature of religious conversion. The real impact of this period was to integrate pre‐existing concerns into larger discourses, transforming them in the process. The ideals of national citizenship and of legal and scholarly impartiality recast the state and its institutions with a modernist sacrality, which had the effect of banishing the religious from the public space. At the same time, the missionary discourse of transformative conversion located it in the very personal realm of sincerity and belief. The evolution of colonial‐era discourses of religion and society in Asia since the departure of European imperial power demonstrates both their lasting power and the degree of agency that remains implicit in the idea of hegemony.     

Byron to D'Annunzio: from liberalism to fascism in national poetry, 1815–1920

ABSTRACT. From Byron's death at Missolonghi in 1824 to D'Annunzio's capture of Fiume for Italy in 1919, the nationalism of universal liberalism and independence struggles changed, in literature as in politics, to cruel dictatorial fascism. Byron was followed by a series of idealistic fighter‐poets and poet‐martyrs for national freedom, but international tensions culminating in World War I exposed fully the intolerant, brutal side of nationalism. D'Annunzio, like Byron, both a major poet and charismatic war leader, was a key figure in transforming nineteenth‐century democratic nationalism into twentieth‐century dictatorial fascism. The poet's ‘lyrical dictatorship’ at Fiume (1919–20) inspired Mussolini's seizure of power in 1922, with far‐reaching political consequences. The poet became the dangerous example of a Nietzschean Übermensch, above common morality, predatory and morally irresponsible. This article shows how the meaning of nationalism was partly determined and transformed by poets, illustrating their role as ‘unacknowledged legislators of the world’.     

CHEMICAL ASSAYS OF TEMPER AND CLAY: MODELLING POTTERY PRODUCTION AND EXCHANGE IN THE UPLANDS NORTH OF THE PHOENIX BASIN,ARIZONA, USA*

A lack of mineralogical variation characterizes the prehistoric pottery in the uplands of central Arizona. Virtually all of the ceramics in that region were tempered with phyllite, which has previously precluded provenance analyses and the investigation of pottery production and distribution in the upland zone. As shown with assays with an electron microprobe, however, both the clay fraction and the temper fragments are chemically diverse and geographically distinct, allowing many of the phyllite‐tempered wares to be sourced, thereby leading to models about the organization of ceramic production and exchange in the upland zone north of the Phoenix Basin.     

The teaching of history in Putin's Russia

During the period since the collapse of the USSR, a number of different history books have appeared in Russia. The book under review was published in Moscow in 2007 and appears to be the first textbook officially endorsed by the authorities. It has stirred up considerable controversy in Russia where liberals have portrayed it as an uncritical eulogy of President Putin and an attempt to gloss over Stalin's record. However, despite its sometimes polemical tone, the book is more nuanced. It is not pro‐Soviet, but is decidedly anti‐western; and claims to provide a new version of Cold War history and of Soviet collapse. It deserves study even by those who reject its arguments, because it throws further light on the emergence of nationalism as a political force in Russia.