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141.
Walter Runciman's role in the crisis of 1931 and its aftermathis not as well known as those of his Liberal contemporaries,Samuel and Simon. It was, however, at least as important indetermining the outcome. Runciman was not a member of the firstNational Cabinet of August 1931, but he reluctantly acceptedthe Board of Trade, on flattering terms, in November. Highlyregarded by MacDonald, he developed an effective working andpersonal relationship with Neville Chamberlain, and togetherthey shaped the government's tariff policy. It was a compromisethat ensured the long-term survival of the National Governmentand defined the fiscal policy that would replace free trade.Runciman remained convinced throughout his years in office thathe was remaining true to Liberal principlesusing tariffbargaining to reduce the general level of tariffsandthat the national crisis and the changing economic climate justifiedhis compromise with the Conservatives.
1 I am grateful to my colleagues, Professor Bill Luckin andDr Gaynor Johnson, and to Dr David Dutton, for their commentswhile this article was being written. The quotation in the titleis from Lord Shuttleworth to Runciman, 18 November 1935, RuncimanPapers, Robinson Library, University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.WR221 相似文献
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DAVID SANTAMARÍA JAVIER FORTEA MARCO DE LA RASILLA LUCÍA MARTÍNEZ ENRIQUE MARTÍNEZ JUAN CARLOS CA
AVERAS SERGIO SNCHEZ‐MORAL ANTONIO ROSAS ALMUDENA ESTALRRICH ANTONIO GARCÍA‐TABERNERO CARLES LALUEZA‐FOX 《Oxford Journal of Archaeology》2010,29(2):119-148
This paper presents the first detailed analysis of the lithic industry from El Sidrón Cave. Previously we have published other works concerning Anthropology and Palaeogenetics. The lithic assemblage contains 415 artefacts coming from both unofficial and official excavations and is largely flake‐based. The raw material derives from the immediate cave environment, and is mostly chert, with quartzite in a lesser proportion. To date, 67 artefacts have been refitted, including some tools and cores. The spatial distribution of the refitted lithic artefacts confirms, on the one hand, the unity of the assemblage and, on the other, its secondary context. 相似文献
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Krause, Richard A. The Clay Sleeps: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Three African Potters. University: University of Alabama Press, 1985. xii + 203 pp. including bibliography and index. $17.50 cloth. Arnold, Dean E. Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. xi + 268 pp. including photographs, maps, bibliography, and index. $37.50 cloth. 相似文献
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DAVID G. ROWLEY 《Nations & Nationalism》2012,18(1):39-56
ABSTRACT. This article brings the thought of Giuseppe Mazzini back into the field of nationalism studies, from which it has been largely missing for a half century. It suggests the following: that Mazzini is much more modern and secular than he is usually portrayed; and that his commitment to liberal policies while rejecting liberal principles suggests that the distinction between civic and ethnic nationalism has been misconceived. Nationalism, to Mazzini, was not an end in itself but a means to an end – government of, by and for the people. The demand for such a government was manifested in three popular demands in nineteenth‐century Europe: in the West as democracy, in the East as national sovereignty (the precondition for democracy) and in both East and West as social democracy. Thus nationalism may be instrumental rather than an end in itself, and it may be attributable not to ethnic groups' natural striving for autonomy but to the pursuit of democracy. 相似文献
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DAVID HASTINGS DUNN 《International affairs》2013,89(5):1237-1246
The Obama administration's controversial use of drones in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Yemen has made the subject a hot topic of political and academic discourse. While most of this debate has focused so far on the legal, ethical and prudential use of large armed aerial vehicles, this article seeks to address the potential wider impact of this new technological innovation. The article argues that drones constitute a new and disruptive technology not just in the way that they have been used to enable a new form of counterterrorism. Instead, it argues that drones pose a new form of terrorist threat against the West which is at present under‐analysed, unarticulated and underestimated. Part of the reason for this underestimation is the failure to appreciate the scale and scope of drone use for commercial purposes which is about to unfold. Technological innovation now means that drones will be capable of many jobs currently performed by small planes and helicopters, but more cheaply and easily—in addition to many other new applications. The proliferation of this cheap and easily available technology will make its application for terrorist use easy to achieve and difficult to counter. The ability of drones to penetrate traditional defences and established conceptions of what constitutes a plausible threat is a challenge which so far has gone unheeded. This article seeks to challenge that complacency. 相似文献