首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   283篇
  免费   9篇
  2020年   1篇
  2019年   1篇
  2018年   1篇
  2017年   2篇
  2015年   6篇
  2014年   7篇
  2013年   21篇
  2012年   10篇
  2011年   14篇
  2010年   27篇
  2009年   15篇
  2008年   20篇
  2007年   19篇
  2006年   15篇
  2005年   11篇
  2004年   3篇
  2003年   6篇
  2001年   2篇
  2000年   6篇
  1999年   5篇
  1998年   8篇
  1997年   5篇
  1996年   9篇
  1995年   6篇
  1994年   4篇
  1993年   4篇
  1992年   3篇
  1991年   4篇
  1990年   7篇
  1989年   7篇
  1988年   9篇
  1987年   4篇
  1986年   4篇
  1985年   4篇
  1984年   3篇
  1983年   3篇
  1981年   2篇
  1980年   3篇
  1979年   1篇
  1974年   2篇
  1973年   1篇
  1972年   1篇
  1971年   1篇
  1970年   1篇
  1968年   1篇
  1962年   1篇
  1961年   1篇
  1960年   1篇
排序方式: 共有292条查询结果,搜索用时 343 毫秒
141.
Walter Runciman's role in the crisis of 1931 and its aftermathis not as well known as those of his Liberal contemporaries,Samuel and Simon. It was, however, at least as important indetermining the outcome. Runciman was not a member of the firstNational Cabinet of August 1931, but he reluctantly acceptedthe Board of Trade, on flattering terms, in November. Highlyregarded by MacDonald, he developed an effective working andpersonal relationship with Neville Chamberlain, and togetherthey shaped the government's tariff policy. It was a compromisethat ensured the long-term survival of the National Governmentand defined the fiscal policy that would replace free trade.Runciman remained convinced throughout his years in office thathe was remaining true to Liberal principles—using tariffbargaining to reduce the general level of tariffs—andthat the national crisis and the changing economic climate justifiedhis compromise with the Conservatives. 1 I am grateful to my colleagues, Professor Bill Luckin andDr Gaynor Johnson, and to Dr David Dutton, for their commentswhile this article was being written. The quotation in the titleis from Lord Shuttleworth to Runciman, 18 November 1935, RuncimanPapers, Robinson Library, University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.WR221  相似文献   
142.
143.
144.
This paper presents the first detailed analysis of the lithic industry from El Sidrón Cave. Previously we have published other works concerning Anthropology and Palaeogenetics. The lithic assemblage contains 415 artefacts coming from both unofficial and official excavations and is largely flake‐based. The raw material derives from the immediate cave environment, and is mostly chert, with quartzite in a lesser proportion. To date, 67 artefacts have been refitted, including some tools and cores. The spatial distribution of the refitted lithic artefacts confirms, on the one hand, the unity of the assemblage and, on the other, its secondary context.  相似文献   
145.
146.
147.
148.
Krause, Richard A. The Clay Sleeps: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Three African Potters. University: University of Alabama Press, 1985. xii + 203 pp. including bibliography and index. $17.50 cloth.

Arnold, Dean E. Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. xi + 268 pp. including photographs, maps, bibliography, and index. $37.50 cloth.  相似文献   
149.
ABSTRACT. This article brings the thought of Giuseppe Mazzini back into the field of nationalism studies, from which it has been largely missing for a half century. It suggests the following: that Mazzini is much more modern and secular than he is usually portrayed; and that his commitment to liberal policies while rejecting liberal principles suggests that the distinction between civic and ethnic nationalism has been misconceived. Nationalism, to Mazzini, was not an end in itself but a means to an end – government of, by and for the people. The demand for such a government was manifested in three popular demands in nineteenth‐century Europe: in the West as democracy, in the East as national sovereignty (the precondition for democracy) and in both East and West as social democracy. Thus nationalism may be instrumental rather than an end in itself, and it may be attributable not to ethnic groups' natural striving for autonomy but to the pursuit of democracy.  相似文献   
150.
The Obama administration's controversial use of drones in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Yemen has made the subject a hot topic of political and academic discourse. While most of this debate has focused so far on the legal, ethical and prudential use of large armed aerial vehicles, this article seeks to address the potential wider impact of this new technological innovation. The article argues that drones constitute a new and disruptive technology not just in the way that they have been used to enable a new form of counterterrorism. Instead, it argues that drones pose a new form of terrorist threat against the West which is at present under‐analysed, unarticulated and underestimated. Part of the reason for this underestimation is the failure to appreciate the scale and scope of drone use for commercial purposes which is about to unfold. Technological innovation now means that drones will be capable of many jobs currently performed by small planes and helicopters, but more cheaply and easily—in addition to many other new applications. The proliferation of this cheap and easily available technology will make its application for terrorist use easy to achieve and difficult to counter. The ability of drones to penetrate traditional defences and established conceptions of what constitutes a plausible threat is a challenge which so far has gone unheeded. This article seeks to challenge that complacency.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号