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Archaeological Survey and Excavations at Mikindani,Southern Tanzania: finding their place in the Swahili world British Archaeological Reports S2859 MATTHEWPAWLOWICZ 196pp., illustrated throughout, 146 figures, 40 tables,BAR Publishing, 2017, £39 (sbk), ISBN 978‐1407314860 下载免费PDF全文
DANIEL RHODES 《International Journal of Nautical Archaeology》2018,47(1):246-247
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DANIEL M. MARTENS 《Geographical Research》1992,30(1):70-86
Dendrochronological studies have received little attention in Australia and it appears that the methodology is not well understood. This paper describes dendrochronological techniques available in riparian environments and applies them to a small reach of the Hawkesbury River. Results of field investigations into the relationships between flooding and associated tree-ring variability were used to reconstruct partial duration flood-frequency data. The ring-width chronologies of 39 trees were transformed into three indices that made interpretation with respect to flooding possible: (1) a width-index: (2) an annual-sensitivity (AS) index; and (3) a tilting vector. It was assumed that floods would either suppress growth or alter the annual distribution of new wood about the tree bole. Width-indicies and tilting vectors provided the most reliable flooding information. Much reduced growth rates at low elevations supported initial hypotheses and led to the establishment of a relationship between growth-rate and frequency of inundation. The reconstructed flood-frequency curve closely matched the historical data-set although underestimation occured at higher levels due to limited sample size. Analyses indicate that dendrochronological investigations of exotic riparian trees provide detailed flooding information, but techniques may also be used to provide minimum dates of fluvial landforms and date recent channel changes. 相似文献
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DANIEL W. HAMILTON 《Journal of Supreme Court History》2004,29(3):254-285
During the Civil War, both the Union Congress and the Confederate Congress put in place sweeping confiscation programs designed to seize the private property of enemy citizens on a massive scale. Meeting in special session in August 1861, the U.S. Congress passed the First Confiscation Act, authorizing the federal government to seize the property of those participating directly in the rebellion. 1 The Confederate Congress retaliated on August 30, 1861, passing the Sequestration Act. 2 This law authorized the Confederate government to forever seize the real and personal property of "alien enemies," a term that included every U.S. citizen and all those living in the Confederacy who remained loyal to the Union. 相似文献
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The Supreme Court's 5–4 decision in the Passenger Cases (1849) overturned two Northern states' taxes on poor foreign immigrants. The Court's eight opinions disputed whether destitute transatlantic immigrants arriving in U.S. ports were legally and constitutionally “persons” like fugitive slaves fleeing the South, free African Americans residing in the U.S.‐Canadian borderlands, and black seamen working on ships entering Southern ports. The eight opinions issued in the case, as Charles Warren noted, raised fundamental constitutional questions concerning whether U.S. congressional or state authority was exclusive or concurrent over persons moving in interstate and international business, reflecting wider sectional struggles fostering the Civil War. 1 More recently, Mary Bilder and others examined connections among indentured contract labor, race‐based American slavery, and the Court's antebellum Commerce Clause decisions to establish that foreign immigrants were commercial objects subject to regulation through the Constitution's Commerce Clause. 2 Southerners and Northern pro‐slavery supporters argued, however, that fugitive slaves and free blacks crossing interstate and international borders were “persons” who could be regulated or altogether excluded under state police powers. 3 相似文献
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ABSTRACT. This article examines the relationship between sub‐state nationalism and the welfare state through the case of Québec in Canada. It argues that social policy presents mobilisation and identity‐building potential for sub‐state nationalism, and that nationalist movements affect the structure of welfare states. Nationalism and the welfare state revolve around the notion of solidarity. Because they often involve transfers of money between citizens, social programmes raise the issue of the specific community whose members should exhibit social and economic solidarity. From this perspective, nationalist movements are likely to seek the congruence between the ‘national community’ (as conceptualised by their leaders) and the ‘social community’ (the community where redistributive mechanisms should operate). Moreover, the political discourse of social policy lends itself well to national identity‐building because it is typically underpinned by collective values and principles. Finally, pressures stemming from sub‐state nationalism tend to reshape the policy agenda at both the state and the sub‐state level while favouring the asymmetrical decentralisation of the welfare state. 相似文献