A Review, Comparison, and Evaluation of Some State & Local Data Handbooks

Bureau of the Census, 1972 Census of Governments
Bureau of the Census, Local Government Finances in Selected Metropolitan Areas and Large Counties: 1974–75
Bureau of the Census, City Government Finances in 1974–75
International City Management Association, The Municipal Year-book, 1977
Paul Albright, ed., The Book of the States, 1976–77     

News wire services in the nineteenth-century United States

News wire services were established in the United States in the mid-nineteenth century to gather and distribute news for local newspapers, using the new technology of the telegraph. With that early beginning in the era of electronic communication, the expansion of news wire services spans the change from a society of local communities to a more nationally integrated society. This paper assesses the importanceof changes in the medium's spatial organization which promoted national culture. The first wire services were local, ad hoc groups, organized to achieve greater efficiency in news-gathering. Formal services were first organized on a local basis, but in 1848 they began to sell news to the major urbanized portions of the United States. As the nation grew, the desire for greater efficiency conflicted with the desire for greater autonomy. Regional wire services persisted from the 1860s to the 1880s but after the 1880s, a tenuous national organization was achieved, cementing itself into a national system after the turn of the century. Efficiency in news collection was the primary reason for the increasing scale of news collecting groups. Each step toward larger spatial coverage, fed the growth of a complex interdependent urban system.     

LITERATURE REVIEW

M. Kenneth Bowler, The Nixon Guaranteed Income Praposal: Substance and Process in Policy Change
Bruce Ian Oppenheimer, Oil and the Congressional Process
Thomas R. Dye, The Politics of Equality
Randall B. Ripley, The Politics of Economic and Human Resource Development
Hawkins, Brett W., Politics and Urban Policies
Richard I. Hofferbert, The Study of Public Policy     

A Place for Convicts: The Fremantle Lunatic Asylum,Western Australia and John Conolly’s “Ideal” Asylum

This article considers the mid to late nineteenth-century world of the Fremantle Lunatic Asylum, Western Australia. By examining the built environment of the asylum and the uses of spaces within its walls, it is possible to understand not just the experiences of the inmates, but to highlight attitudes towards the insane. The asylum was built under authority of the British Government, and later transferred to the Western Australian Government’s care. Reflecting on this volume’s theme of colonial institutions, this article will highlight the effects of center and periphery relationships on life within the asylum.     

The moral acceptability of nuclear deterrence: A critique

Theorists within the just war tradition of ethics differ in their conclusions about nuclear warfare and nuclear deterrence. This paper examines three arguments for the conditional moral acceptability of nuclear deterrence—those of the U.S. National Conference of Catholic Bishops in their pastoral letter, of J. Bryan Hehir, and of Michael Walzer—and argues that none of the three constitutes intellectually compelling and practically useful moral advice. The bishops fail to convince us that nuclear use can ever fulfil the requirements of proportionality, and therefore that the intention to use nuclear weapons can ever be justified. Hehir fails to convince us that nuclear deterrence policies in fact distinguish categorically between intention and use. Walzer's case that deterrence is bad but necessary is more convincing but it, like Hehir's, does not constitute coherent moral advice for the citizen, soldier or government official. I conclude that, given the inadequacy of attempts to justify nuclear deterrence, even conditionally, we have a strong moral obligation to pursue alternatives.

The level of citizen concern about the dangerous possibility of nuclear war has become greatly heightened in Europe and the United States in the 1980s. This is probably due to at least three factors: the significant technological developments in nuclear weaponry that have occurred during the last decade, the increased fear of Soviet military strength, and the concentration of recent U.S. administrations on developing and improving a nuclear war‐fighting capability. But even before the growth of the peace movement since 1980, a ‘new debate’ about the morality of nuclear weapons and deterrence policy had begun in academic and theological circles. In this paper, I will analyze three arguments of moral philosophers and theologians, all working within the ‘just war’ tradition, about whether nuclear deterrence, in any form, can be morally justified.