Indigenous Participation in Constitutional Development

In 1950 the first four Solomon Islanders were nominated for the Advisory Council. Further constitutional reforms were made between 1960 and 1978, slowly preparing the Protectorate for a transfer of power through a unitary state operating under the Westminster system. British policy was guided by previous colonial experiences in Africa, Asia and the Pacific, and to a limited extent by local circumstances, particularly through constitutional review committees. This paper addresses three central questions. Did Solomon Islanders make their own decisions when establishing the structure of their constitution and parliament, or were these decisions made for them by British and other advisers? What attempts were made to include Indigenous political structures in the governing process? To what extent did events elsewhere influence Solomon Islands political development?     

Excavations on the Town Wall,Roushill, Shrewsbury

Abstract

The pentice, a medieval, colonnaded walkway centrally placed on the south side of the High Street in Winchester, Hampshire, occupies part of the site of the former Norman palace. Other medieval colonnaded walkways exist, notably at Chester and Totnes, but it is not entirely clear when these latter walkways were created, nor whether they resulted from piecemeal development over time, or from a single, concerted campaign of building. These questions are explored with regard to The Pentice in Winchester between c. 1250 and c. 1550 in this interdisciplinary study, which includes evidence from archaeology, dendrochronology, documents and standing remains. Key new evidence has come recently from dendrochronology, allowing a re-evaluation of documentary evidence and of dates at present ascribed to standing remains on typological grounds. This study presents fresh evidence for the structure of The Pentice in the 14th century and examines the case for development of the present form of the buildings in the late 15th and early 16th centuries. Finally, it is noted that this new evidence encourages a re-examination of the argument that structural alignments and split-level retailing were indicators of pre-Plague pressure on street frontage which eased after the Black Death.     

Mass and elite politics in Mill's considerations on representative Government

This paper examines the formal filters of the public's political will defended by JS Mill as consistent with the best form of representative government. Holding that institutions must adjust to democratic society, and that democratic society must be improved to achieve wise rule, Mill rejects secret ballots and electoral pledges, and advocates a constitutional council and graduated enfranchisement. He also recommends but does not require the indirect election of the President and a unicameral legislature. Mill's historically sensitive approach puts pressure on interpreters to be sensitive to their own political and social context when applying Mill's ideas. In particular, obviously undemocratic measures such as plural voting should be adjusted to reflect Mill's view that the ratio between legitimacy and competence is constantly changing. The continual readjustment between the powers of masses and elites is the way that Mill's Considerations on Representative Government manage to avoid the now-traditional charge of expertocracy.     

Leadership and voting: the connection at the state level

While it is now well established that Australian party leaders at the national level influence political choice in federal elections, little systematic study has been undertaken of the equivalent role that State Premiers and Opposition Leaders might play. In the 2001 Australian Election Study (n=2010), questions were asked of a national probability sample of voters about respondent feelings towards their State Premier and State Opposition Leader, in addition to equivalent questions about Prime Minister John Howard, Opposition Leader Kim Beazley and other major political figures in federal politics. The data generated by this survey thus provide an opportunity to investigate the impact that contemporary State political leaders have on electoral choice. The analysis produces mixed results, but the findings show that State leaders generally do have an impact on voting behaviour in State elections, although in some cases this influence is eliminated when account is taken of voter attitudes towards the federal leaders. The analysis also affords an opportunity to test the extent of crossover between State and federal politics, in terms of how much State leaders influence federal voting and vice versa. While the results are somewhat uneven, they do indicate that some State leaders influence federal voting and that the federal leaders do influence voting in some States.     

A Grocer's Tale: Gender,Family and Class in Early Nineteenth‐Century Manchester

This article examines the diary of George Heywood, a journeyman grocer turned small shopkeeper, who moved to Manchester from Huddersfield in 1809. Heywood's modest lifetime ambitions were to own a grocery shop and find a companionable wife. As a lower‐middle‐class man of humble means and limited ambitions, Heywood does not fit the heroic mould of those working‐class diarists and autobiographers of the nineteenth century that have more readily captured historians’ attention. Yet it is precisely this ‘ordinariness’ that makes Heywood's journal important. His smaller‐than‐life adventures are the very stuff of lower‐middle‐class life, and reveal something of a petit‐bourgeois world from which historians and social commentators have traditionally shied away. His diary allows us to glimpse one form of masculine identity that both fits with and complicates our notions of ‘bourgeois’ masculinity in this period.