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161.
162.
A. D. Moses 《History and theory》1998,37(2):194-219
A striking aspect of the so-called "Goldhagen debate" hasbeen the bifurcated reception Hitler's Willing Executioners hasreceived: the enthusiastic welcome of journalists and the public was as warm as the impatientdismissal of most historians was cool. This article seeks to transcend the current impasse byanalyzing the underlying issues of Holocaust research at stake here. It argues that a "deepstructure" necessarily characterizes the historiography of the Holocaust, comprising atension between its positioning in "univeralism" and"particularism" narratives. While the former conceptualizes the Holocaust as anabstract human tragedy and explains its occurrence in terms of processes common to modernsocieties, the latter casts its analysis in ethnic and national categories: the Holocaust as anexclusively German and Jewish affair. These narratives possess important implications for thebalance of structure and human agency in the explanation of the Holocaust: where theuniversalism narrative emphasizes the role of impersonal structures in mediating human action,the particularism narrative highlights the agency of human actors. Although historical accountsusually combine these narratives, recent research on the Holocaust tends in the universalistdirection, and this bears on the sensitive issue of responsibility for the Holocaust byproblematizing the common-sense notion of the perpetrators' intention and responsibility.Goldhagen is responding to this trend, but by retreating to the particularism narrative andemploying an inadequate definition of intention, he fails to move the debate forward. It is time torethink the concept of intention in relation to events like the Holocaust. 相似文献
163.
164.
Radiocarbon Chronology of the Siberian Paleolithic 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
We have compiled 462 C-14 determinations for 120 Paleolithic and Mesolithic sites from Siberia and the Russian Far East. The Mousterian sites are dated to ca. 46,000–28,500 BP. The Middle–Upper Paleolithic transition dates to ca. 43,300–28,500 BP. Although there are a few earlier sites, most of the Upper Paleolithic sites are dated to the time interval between ca. 34,000 BP and 10,000 BP. The earlier Upper Paleolithic stage is characterized by macroblade technology and is radiocarbon-dated to ca. 34,000–20,000 BP. The earliest microblade technology occurs in the late stage of the Upper Paleolithic, dated to ca. 23,000–20,000 BP, but the majority of microblade sites is dated to ca. 20,000–11,000 BP. The Final Paleolithic (Mesolithic) sites date to ca. 12,000–6000 BP. At ca. 13,000–11,000 BP, the earliest Neolithic appeared in both the Russian Far East (Amur River basin) and the Transbaikal. The Paleolithic–Neolithic transition occurred ca. 13,000–6000 BP. 相似文献
165.
Recent fieldwork has considerably increased our knowledge of early Holocene settlement in Southwest Arabia. Neolithic settlement occurred within an environmental context of increased monsoonal moisture that continued during the mid-Holocene. A now well-attested Bronze Age exemplified by village- and town-scale settlements occupied by sedentary farmers developed toward the end of the mid-Holocene moist interval. The high plateau of Yemen was an early focus for the development of Bronze Age complex society, the economy of which relied upon terraced rain-fed and runoff agriculture. On the fringes of the Arabian desert, the precursors of the Sabaean literate civilization have been traced back to between 3600 and 2800 B.P., and even earlier, so that a virtually continuous archaeological record can now be described for parts of Yemen. In contrast to the highlands these societies relied upon food production from large-scale irrigation systems dependent upon capricious wadi floods. Bronze Age settlement, while showing some links with the southern Levant, now shows equal or stronger linkages with the Horn of Africa across the Red Sea. Although some regions of Yemen show breaks in occupation, others show continuity into the Sabaean period when a series of major towns grew up in response to the incense trade with the north. It is now clear that these civilizations grew up on the foundations of earlier Bronze Age complex societies. 相似文献
166.
Historical records indicate that the fertile soils of the western and central Wimmera Plains of Victoria, Australia formerly supported grassy woodlands on rises and flats, and grasslands on shallow depressions and clay plains. Soil type and micro-relief appear to have been the major factors that determined the distribution of these communities. Burning of the woodlands by Aborigines may have contributed to their open grassy nature. The few ungrazed remnants of Buloke (Allocasuarina luehmannii) woodland support a suite of species that are absent from or uncommon in other Buloke woodland remnants in the region. This work demonstrates that in districts where little intact native vegetation remains, investigation of the distribution and floristic composition of the pre-settlement vegetation can provide useful information for the maintenance and restoration of remnant vegetation. 相似文献
167.
G.A Loud 《Journal of Medieval History》1996,22(4):313-343
The Campania was a fertile area, with a growing population during the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and was economically more advanced than most of the rest of southern Italy. This essay examines the impact of the Norman conquest of the south upon this region, with special reference to the settlement pattern and the aristocracy. It concludes that the role of incastellamento in changing the pattern of settlement was relatively limited, and the extensive incastellamento of the Montecassino lands (a product of Norman pressure upon the abbey) cannot be taken as typical. Furthermore, while the Norman conquest led to colonisation by French aristocrats, this did not entirely displace existing Lombard families, and widespread intermarriage led to a blurring of the distinction between Lombards and Normans. The impact of political crises during the twelfth century was also more limited than might be supposed, and continuity rather than change characterised the nobility of the Norman period. 相似文献
168.
D. A. SCOTT 《Archaeometry》1996,38(2):305-311
Examination of a Sican ceremonial tumi, dated to the Middle Sican, c. AD 850–1050, showed that it was made in a silver-copper alloy of approximate composition 93% silver, 6% copper. Many separate pieces are used in the construction, joined together by both mechanical methods and by solder. The principal figure has been made from 18 separate silver sheets, with 169 separate parts identified in the head-dress, totalling 187 design elements. Metallographic examination of a fragment of repoussé decorated sheet from the figure surmounting the tumi surprisingly showed that the silver-copper alloy has a cast morphology; this demonstrates that Sican metalsmiths were pre-casting silver-copper sheet into the dimensions required for making the tumi, rather than carrying out the expected process of making the idol from hammered silver-copper sheet, shaped by extensive cycles of working and annealing, thus contradicting the usual assumptions about the manufacture of sheet-metalwork made in such cases. 相似文献
169.
H. MOMMSEN TH. BEIER H. DITTMANN D. HEIMERMANN A. HEIN A. ROSENBERG M. BOGHARDT E.-M. HANEBUTT-BENZ H. HALBEY 《Archaeometry》1996,38(2):347-357
Non-destructive X-ray fluorescence analyses induced by white synchrotron radiation (SYXRF) have been performed on a page of the Gutenberg Bible and 21 other different single leaves printed in the years 1470 to 1500. Absolute elemental areal densities for the papers and the inks are reported. The known high Cu and Pb content in Gutenberg's ink is confirmed. The elemental compositions of the other inks, if measurable by XRF at all, are in general very low, governed only by a few additional elements and found to be not distinctive for a known printer. This will render an identification of the printer or printing offices by ink composition analysis in the period after 1470 difficult. 相似文献
170.