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281.
Christian Lund 《Development and change》2006,37(4):685-705
Public authority does not always fall within the exclusive realm of government institutions; in some contexts, institutional competition is intense and a range of ostensibly a‐political situations become actively politicized. Africa has no shortage of institutions which attempt to exercise public authority: not only are multiple layers and branches of government institutions present and active to various degrees, but so‐called traditional institutions bolstered by government recognition also vie for public authority, and new emerging institutions and organizations also enter the field. The practices of these institutions make concepts such as public authority, legitimacy, belonging, citizenship and territory highly relevant. This article proposes an analytical strategy for the understanding of public authority in such contexts. It draws on research from anthropologists, geographers, political scientists and social scientists working on Africa, in an attempt to explore a set of questions related to a variety of political practices and their institutional ramifications. 相似文献
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H. Christian Breede 《The American review of Canadian studies》2013,43(4):483-501
Modern war is not just about the application of violence, but also about the interpretation of that violence by all sides party to the conflict. With this in mind, any measure of success in war must account for not only what was done, but how those actions were perceived. From this theoretical background, this article proposes that success needs to be defined as both coherence and decisiveness. Where coherence is a measure of policy coordination and consistency, decisiveness is a measure of perceptions of those policies by the domestic audience of the country undertaking the war. This article hypothesizes that based on this comprehensive understanding of success in war, Canada’s mission to Afghanistan was a failure. Although at times coherent, Canada’s stated policies in Afghanistan were ultimately unsuccessful, lending weight to recent analysis arguing that Canada’s war in Afghanistan was about issue other than securing a better life for Afghans. 相似文献
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Christian Windler 《国际历史评论》2019,41(5):947-961
AbstractEarly modern Mediterranean diplomacy was marked by multiple and contrasting claims to superiority which derived from competing normative orders. These practices are the focus of the first part of this paper, which shows how claims to superiority were performed in the practice of diplomacy and how stable and pacific relations could be maintained within a context of competing normative orders. Instead of privileging the religious divide between Islam and Christianity, the paper suggests that a better understanding of how multiple universalisms interacted with each other in practice may better explain the apparently paradoxical durability of pacific relations between Muslim and Christian rulers in the wider Mediterranean area of the early modern period. The second part reframes the transformations in Franco-Tunisian diplomatic practice from the late eighteenth century onward within the context of a global history of growing imbalances. The espousal of definitions of sovereignty derived from the European ius gentium to the exclusion of all others led to a redefinition of who had the rights and honors to engage in foreign relations. The early modern pluralism evolved into an increasingly unequal bipolarity, finally resulting in the economic, military and symbolic predominance of allegedly ‘civilized’ European powers over the ‘uncivilized’ rest. 相似文献