全文获取类型
收费全文 | 322篇 |
免费 | 14篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 6篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 12篇 |
2018年 | 11篇 |
2017年 | 23篇 |
2016年 | 13篇 |
2015年 | 16篇 |
2014年 | 14篇 |
2013年 | 74篇 |
2012年 | 12篇 |
2011年 | 11篇 |
2010年 | 15篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 9篇 |
2006年 | 10篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 4篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 4篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有336条查询结果,搜索用时 93 毫秒
11.
12.
Christian Tripodi 《The Journal of imperial and commonwealth history》2016,44(1):95-120
This article explores attempts by British colonial officials based in Aden to extend systems of political administration to the colony's tribal hinterland during the late interwar and early wartime period. Commencing initially with delicate attempts to recast faltering relations between tribal chiefs and their subjects, the policy would culminate a decade later with the despatch of British military units throughout the furthest extents of the protectorate in support of a range of direct political agreements with local rulers that would eventually set the conditions for federation. The intervening years featured a series of little-known debates among various officials on how precisely to cement British influence in the tribal areas, and the philosophy of administration to be pursued to that end. These would expose an element of confusion as to which techniques would best satisfy British policy, and reveal a preference on the part of some for the application of methods atypical of those used elsewhere under Colonial Office jurisdiction, and which drew their inspiration instead from systems of control used on India's volatile frontiers. 相似文献
13.
14.
The rapid expansion of non‐ferrous metallurgy in the late Middle Ages (14th–15th centuries) enhanced ore demand, which was supported by mining intensification. Metallurgical workshops developed various supply strategies based on geological, political and economic constraints. This is particularly true for the Pyrenean multi‐metals workshop of Castel‐Minier (Ariège, France), where recent excavations unearthed an exceptional corpus of non‐ferrous ores. A specific analytical methodology combining micro‐Raman spectroscopy and environmental scanning electron microscopy with energy dispersive X‐ray (ESEM‐EDX) was set up to study these artefacts. This composite methodology permitted the fast characterization of both mineral and gangue as well as a discussion of their economic potential. Ores identified were compared with ancient mines in neighbouring mining districts in order to sketch a geography of the mineral resources available to medieval metallurgists. Moreover, a chrono‐stratigraphic study of ore distribution in Castel‐Minier revealed the supply strategies, technological choices as well as spatializing of copper and lead metallurgies. 相似文献
15.
Christian C. Sahner 《Iranian studies》2019,52(1-2):61-83
The Gizistag Abāli? is a ninth- or tenth-century Pahlavi text, recording a debate which took place at the court of al-Ma?mūn between a Zoroastrian priest and a heretical dualist. This article, the first in-depth study of this important work, examines the text in its broader Islamicate environment. It argues that the narrative itself is probably fictional, but reflects a real historical phenomenon, namely the interreligious debates which took place among Zoroastrians, Muslims, Christians, and Jews during the ?Abbasid period. It argues that the text is a unique Zoroastrian example of a literary genre that was common among Christians at the time, namely, “the monk in the emir’s majlis.” By comparing the Gizistag Abāli? to these Christian texts, it explores why Zoroastrians generally did not launch explicit polemics against Islam, comparable to those of other non-Muslim communities. It seems that Zoroastrian authors were more concerned with explaining their own doctrines than critiquing the beliefs of others. This is curious considering the large numbers of Zoroastrians who were converting to Islam at the time. Finally, the article proposes new ways of refining the way we read Pahlavi texts, by analyzing them alongside the literatures of other religious communities in the early Islamic empire. 相似文献
16.
Christian Downie 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2019,73(2):119-125
While Australia is considered an energy superpower, Australian foreign policy has often overlooked energy diplomacy. Given the transformations taking place in global energy markets, the time is ripe to begin a policy discussion in Australia on energy diplomacy. I argue that Australian diplomatic efforts should broaden beyond a historical focus on promoting fossil fuels and securing export markets, to driving global energy governance reforms through the G20. This will not only help to ensure that the international energy architecture is capable of achieving governance objectives around energy security, energy access and climate change, but significantly, it will also help Australia to achieve broader foreign policy goals, such as ensuring emerging economies become responsible stakeholders within the international system. 相似文献
17.
18.
This article re-examines Jewish responses towards Nazi racismby studying German-Jewish suicides. Its purpose is twofold.First, it moves beyond the discussion of suicide as a statisticalincidence and asks what motivated German Jews to commit suicide.Statistics, however elaborate, disregard individual fates andcircumstances. While not entirely dismissing suicide statistics,this article is primarily concerned with qualitative questionsof social context and individual motives. It introduces hithertoneglected archival sources, including suicide notes. These sourcesallow us to assess the impact of Nazi racial policies on individualsuicides and to study the emotional effect of Nazi policieson German Jews. This article also takes up the question as tohow far, if at all, German-Jewish suicides can be considereda form of resistance towards Nazism and to what extent theywere an act of despair and hopelessness. The Nazis claimed tobe the arbiters over the lives of Jews once the deportationsstarted in 1941. The vast majority of Jews left in Germany afterNovember 1938 were fairly elderly. They could not be expectedto go into hiding, and their will to live may have been less,as was, undoubtedly, the ability or desire to start a new lifeelsewhere. In this bleak context, the overwhelming majorityof German-Jewish suicides derived from personal despair andthe desire to preserve individual dignity and agency. Nazi racialpolicies coalesced in a condition of anomie, an overturningof normal life and its norms and values that increases the likelihoodof suicide, prompted by the collapse of hope in the possibilityof a future. Emile Durkheim originally developed the conceptof anomic suicide as a way to explain suicide as a social phenomenon.This concept helps us understand the suicides of German Jewsin the Third Reich both in their wider political and privateimplications. 相似文献
19.
20.
Florence Valle‐Dubois Ruth Dassonneville Jean‐Franois Godbout 《Nations & Nationalism》2020,26(2):344-365
Can age, period and cohort effects help explain support for Quebec sovereignty? Previous work on this question has focused mostly on the effects of age and cohort. We contribute to this debate by adding a period perspective. As such, our study is the first to investigate the impact of age, cohort and period effects in a single study of opinion towards sovereignty in Quebec. We take advantage of an original dataset that includes survey data collected between 1985 and 2012. We use these data to examine the impact of age, birth year and survey year on support for this constitutional option among francophone Quebeckers. Our results are in line with previous work: we show that younger Quebeckers are more likely to support sovereignty, and that some cohorts – namely, respondents born between 1945 and 1959 – are also more likely to favour this option. Perhaps more surprisingly, we find that specific events are comparatively the most important factor to explain fluctuations in Quebeckers' attitudes towards sovereignty. 相似文献