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Euan Hague Chris Thomas Stephen Williams 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2001,8(1):73-82
The Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) of the British Government is a recent and innovative response to social problems in the UK. Through an examination of selected publications of the SEU, the article highlights some of the representations of family, work and gender which provide the discursive context in which the SEU operates and to which it, in turn, contributes. The article suggests that perspectives found in the post-1945 welfare state continue to influence approaches to problems of exclusion. Whilst there are areas in which current political thinking shows evidence of sensitivity to the social recomposition that has attended economic restructuring since 1970, it is argued that there remain tendencies within SEU discussions which reinforce a more nostalgic constitution of work, family and gender relations. Consequently, the article concludes that the potential of the social exclusion debate to grasp fundamental issues is yet to be fully realised. 相似文献
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The National (Country) Party, traditional beneficiary of a countrymindedness ethos in rural and regional Australia, suffered a significant electoral setback at the 1998 federal election from a new conservative force in Australian politics, the One Nation Party. One Nation has been characterised as the party of the ‘old’ Australia, those least able to cope with the pace of recent social and economic changes, rationalisation and centralisation of services and the exodus of people from rural and regional areas. Such a characterisation is supported by findings from this study of the geography of voting and the social correlates of One Nation's support base in the Farrer electoral division in south‐western New South Wales. 相似文献
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Chris Hann 《Anthropology today》2014,30(4):1-2
The end of the Cold War marked the apogee of Western global domination, but this has since come under increasing threat, notably through the rise of China. To preserve the values of European social democracy, it makes more sense to negotiate new rules of political economy with multiple centres of power across Eurasia than to plunge deeper into a free trade zone with North America. Current European institutions are unable to respond to this new challenge; nor are the institutions of sociocultural anthropology in Europe conducive to a balanced, historically informed perspective on the super‐continent, Eurasia. 相似文献
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Chris Widga 《Midcontinental journal of archaeology, MCJA》2014,39(3):251-279
The Itasca Bison site near the prairie-forest border in central Minnesota is important to understanding the cultural and ecological role of bison in the upper Midwest during the middle Holocene. Recent reanalyses of this assemblage support the original interpretation of a taphonomically complex, fluvially modified site. Despite this taphonmic complexity, the role of humans in the butchering and possible accumulation of some of the bison fauna is also supported, although not as the only mechanism of accumulation. The bison assemblage is slightly biased toward males, and seasonality estimates are spread throughout the year. New direct accelerator mass spectrometry dates indicate a minimum of two highly mixed depositional events: one at 7970–7790 cal B.P. and an earlier event between 8520 and 8180 cal B.P. 相似文献
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This article engages with the politics of class struggle and state formation in modern Bolivia. It examines how current forms of political contestation are shaped by the legacy of the Revolution of 1952 and the subsequent path of development. In so doing, we therefore explore spaces of uneven and combined development in relation to ongoing transformations in Bolivia linked to emergent class strategies of passive revolution, meaning processes of historical development marked by the overall exclusion of subaltern classes. With this in mind we argue that state formation in Bolivia can be read as part of the history of passive revolution in Latin America within the spatial conditions of uneven and combined development shaping the geopolitics of the region. However, the expansion of passive revolution as a mode of historical development has been and continues to be rigorously contested by subaltern forces creating further spaces of class struggle. 相似文献