At the Intersection of Invisibilities: Canadian women,homelessness and health outside the ‘big city’

This article explores the concept of ‘invisibility’ in relation to women, homelessness and health in Ontario, Canada. While popular images of homelessness continue to focus on older men with mental illness and/or addictions issues, the proportion of women without secure, affordable shelter continues to rise. The stereotypes of homelessness also have a spatial component, with the incorrect assumption that housing affordability crises are concentrated in the centres of large cities. There is a third aspect to ‘invisibility’: the tendency of the traditional medical model of health care to ignore the interrelated physical and emotional impacts of stress among women who make up the majority of the ‘hidden homeless’. While an increasing number of women are facing loss of their accommodation in suburban, small city and rural settings, this social policy issue remains largely invisible outside the realm of local services struggling to meet women's needs. Interviews with women facing homelessness in Haliburton, Kingston and Oshawa, a rural area, small town and outer suburb, illustrate both experiences of invisibility and possibilities of integrated health services combating this personal and societal invisibility.

En la intersección de invisibilidades: mujeres canadienses, la falta de vivienda, y salud afuera de la «ciudad grande»

Éste artículo explora el concepto de «invisibilidad» en relación a mujeres, la falta de vivienda y salud en Ontario, Canadá. Mientras que representaciones común de la falta de vivienda continúan enfocar a hombres con enfermos mentales y/o problemas de adicción, las cifras de mujeres sin viviendas seguras y asequibles se acentúan. Los estereotipos de gente sin hogares también tienen un componente espacial, con la suposición equivocado que la crisis de la falta de viviendas asequibles es concentrado en los centros de ciudades grandes. Hay un tercer aspecto de la «invisibilidad»: la tendencia del modelo medico tradicional de la asistencia sanitaria a no tomar en cuenta los entrelazados impactos físicos y emocionales de estrés entre mujeres que constituyen la mayoría de «la gente escondida sin vivienda». Mientras que mujeres, en cifras cada vez mayor, se enfrentan a la perdida de vivienda en los suburbios, ciudades pequeñas, y áreas rurales, la cuestión política social queda principalmente invisible afuera del terreno de servicios locales que luchan para cumplir las necesidades de mujeres. Las entrevistas con mujeres que faltan viviendas en Haliburton (un área rural), Kingston (un pueblito), y Oshawa (un suburbio), demuestran no solo las experiencias de invisibilidad sino las posibilidades de integrar la asistencia de salud para combatir ésta invisibilidad personal y social.     

Could the People Decide?

Book reviewed in this article:
Eric Alterman, Who Speaks for America? Why Democracy Matters in Foreign Policy     

Identity Politics and the Religious Right: Hiding Hate in the Landscape

Identity theory has had important theoretical implications for analysis of political action, but has tended mostly to examine identity formation and political action on the left. Any theory concerned with eradicating oppression must also analyze identity formation and political action of groups on the right whose politics are often based on exclusion and hate. Thus the empirical part of this paper focuses on the religious right, specifically Liberty University, in Lynchburg, Virginia. The potency of the religious right lies in an identity politics which simultaneously asserts that fundamentalists are essentially different from those "of the world" but should nonetheless equate themselves politically with economic conservatives. This allows Liberty to borrow freely from the symbols and trappings of economic conservatism while blurring the hate and antagonistic othering inherent in essentialist notions of fundamentalist identity.     

Is ‘white nationalism’, nationalism?

Are ‘white nationalists’ really nationalists? This label is one that right-wing, white activists themselves have chosen, and as such, compels rigorous investigation to avoid simply adopting the preferred nomenclature of these activists and their ambitions. The nation and nationalism are concepts with rich scholarly histories, and this paper seeks to examine the discussion, activities and statements of so-called white nationalists in light of this literature. We argue through a three-fold concept of the nation—based on territoriality, population and symbolic and/or cultural content—that the vision of the political community and ambitions of these activists falls short of the standard of a nation and that their aspirations do not conform to what the literature lays out as nationalism. We argue, therefore, that using the language of ‘white nationalism’ to describe these groups obfuscates and sanitises their motives and lends undue legitimacy to their standing in public discourse.