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11.
Jean-Marc Drouin Patrick Gautier Dalché Fabien Chareix Charles Lenay Monique Cottret Bernard Vandewalle François Laplanche Françoise Waquet Agnès Spiquel Ariane Poulantzas Olivier Martin Sophie Roux Ilana Löwy Françoise Waquet Isabelle Brian Michel Cassan Jean-Marc Rohrbasser Jean-Michel Vienne Marc Renneville Bernard Lahire Mikhaäl Xifaras Bertrand Binoche Stéphane Haber Jean-François Pradeau Noël Bonneuil Marie Jaisson 《Revue de synthèse / Centre international de synthèse》1997,118(4):551-613
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Caroline Grigson 《Journal of archaeological science》1976,3(2):115-136
This paper is the third in a series on the craniology of four species of Bos and it is the last of the three papers in which the skulls of British domestic cattle are used in an attempt to establish a basic craniology for the genus. Part 1 (Grigson, 1974) dealt with nomenclature, material, history, age assessment and absolute size. Part 2 (Grigson, 1975) dealt with cranial proportions and angles. This paper deals first with sagittal profiles and then with other non-measurable characters.Sagittal profiles may be rounded or pointed with some intermediate forms. The rounded shape (an infantile character) persists throughout life in some breeds and is unaffected by age, sex or size. The pointed form develops with age in some breeds and is probably more marked in older and larger animals. Seventeen other minor characters are examined for the effects of age, sex, breed and size. 相似文献
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The current iteration of South–South Cooperation (SSC) differs fundamentally from the first manifestation in the early 1970s, largely because of differences in assumptions about who is cooperating with whom and to what end, in the context of SSC. These differences are significant for the material practice of SSC and the ideological function of SSC rhetoric. In this article, the authors argue that contemporary ideas about SSC do not retrieve the radical potential of the original formulation, but rather expand the hegemonic neoliberal world order into a new phase through a reframed idea of the relationships between North and South and between states and markets. This promotes a new common‐sense understanding of the contemporary international political economy while further depoliticizing the idea of development. It hijacks the critical force of dependency theory, harnessing the terminology of the 1970s and a nostalgia for state‐led development to an ideological fix that in fact shores up the neoliberal world order in the context of a potentially destabilizing shift in the functioning of global capital. 相似文献
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Caroline Ashcroft 《History of European Ideas》2018,44(4):461-476
ABSTRACTArendt’s work on civil disobedience sets out an optimistic portrayal of the possibilities of such forms of action in re-energising the spirit of American politics in the late twentieth century. Civil disobedience should not simply be tolerated, she argued, but incorporated into the legal structure of the American political system. Her work is usually seen to promote an idea of civil disobedience that is thus bound to existing constitutional principles and essentially nonviolent. However, by looking at Arendt’s discussion and critique of various practices of civil disobedience in 1960s and 1970s America, specifically in relation to the nonviolence movement influenced by Martin Luther King, and on the other side, the more militant Black Power movement, a different idea of civil disobedience emerges. This paper argues that whilst, for Arendt, civil disobedience within America certainly possesses the constitutionally restorative potential she assigns to it, in a broader sense – theoretically, globally, and even in terms of alternative ideologies within America – her conception of civil disobedience is in itself neither necessarily constitutional, nor nonviolent. It is, instead, a form of revolutionary action, whose limits are set only by politics itself, and specifically, Arendt’s criterion of publicity. 相似文献
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Caroline Fowler 《The Seventeenth century》2018,33(2):133-159
This article examines Rembrandt’s investigation of his own face in tandem with his studies of outcast populations in and around Amsterdam. While historians have titled these latter studies as “beggars,” I contextualize these figures within a history of migration, early modern Dutch globalization and shifting concepts of poverty and charity. Understanding these figures in a larger historical framework illustrates how Rembrandt used his own face to visualize the increasingly faceless populations passing through Amsterdam. 相似文献
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Steffen Ganghof Sebastian Eppner Alexander Pörschke 《Australian journal of political science》2018,53(2):211-233
The article analyses the type of bicameralism we find in Australia as a distinct executive-legislative system – a hybrid between parliamentary and presidential government – which we call ‘semi-parliamentary government’. We argue that this hybrid presents an important and underappreciated alternative to pure parliamentary government as well as presidential forms of the power-separation, and that it can achieve a certain balance between competing models or visions of democracy. We specify theoretically how the semi-parliamentary separation of powers contributes to the balancing of democratic visions and propose a conceptual framework for comparing democratic visions. We use this framework to locate the Australian Commonwealth, all Australian states and 22 advanced democratic nation-states on a two-dimensional empirical map of democratic patterns for the period from 1995 to 2015. 相似文献