全文获取类型
收费全文 | 180篇 |
免费 | 11篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 11篇 |
2017年 | 14篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 11篇 |
2014年 | 5篇 |
2013年 | 37篇 |
2012年 | 3篇 |
2011年 | 6篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 8篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 4篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 3篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 7篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有191条查询结果,搜索用时 78 毫秒
71.
Stuart S. Nagel 《政策研究杂志》1995,23(2):388-391
This is a follow-up to the previous note in the spring 1995 issue of the Policy Studies Journal entitled “Win-Win Policy.” Its purpose is to provide further examples regarding the question, “What policy issues are worth providing examples for?”1 相似文献
72.
Caroline Brossat 《European Review of History》1994,1(2):179-191
Au Conseil de l'Europe et dans la Communauté européenne, les sens de “culture”, “civilisation” et de “identité culturelle” européennes sont a priori difficiles â identifier et évoluent sur la période 1949–93. L'étude vise, en s'aidant d'une méthode de décompte des mots et d'un rapide examen de l'évolution historique et scientifique de “culture” et “civilisation”, á dégager certains de leurs traits particuliers, au‐delà de la confusion traditionnelle entre “culture” et “civilisation” européennes et entre “culture” et “identité culturelle” européennes. “Civilisation européenne” a pris peu á peu une signification supranationale et s'est raréfiée, tandis que “culture européenne” s'est rapidement divisée en “cultures infranationales”. Les institutions montrent aussi leurs tendances plus ou moins favorables á l'unité européenne, par leur propre utilisation des concepts devenus des éléments “test”. 相似文献
73.
Caroline Faria Sharlene Mollett 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2016,23(1):79-93
Feminist geographic commonsense suggests that power shapes knowledge production, prompting the long-standing reflexive turn. Yet, often such reflexivity fixes racial power and elides more nuanced operations of difference – moves feminist scholars have, in fact, long problematized. To counter this, we revisit Kobayashi's (1994) ‘Coloring the Field’ [‘Coloring the Field: Gender, “Race”, and the Politics of Fieldwork,’ Professional Geographer 46 (1): 73–90]. Twenty years on, and grounded in our fieldwork in South Sudan and Honduras, we highlight how colonial and gender ideologies are interwoven through emotion. Decentering a concern with guilt, we focus on the way whiteness may inspire awe while scholars of color evoke disdain among participants. Conversely, bodies associated with colonizing pasts or presents can prompt suspicion, an emotive reaction to whiteness not always fixed to white bodies. These feelings have significant repercussions for the authority, legitimacy, and access afforded to researchers. Our efforts thus disrupt notions that we, as researchers, always wield power over our participants. Instead we argue that the positioning of ‘subjects of color’ in the global south, racially and in their relationships with us, is historically produced and socioculturally and geographically contingent. Rethinking the field in this way, as a site of messy, affective, and contingent racialized power, demonstrates the insights offered by bringing together feminist postcolonial and emotional geographies. 相似文献
74.
75.
Caroline Schlaufer 《政策研究杂志》2018,46(1):90-118
When scientific evidence is used in policy controversies, it is always embedded in narrative stories. The Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) is an empirical framework used to study the role of narratives in public policy. While the NPF has considered the relationship between evidence and narratives from different angles, it has not used a consistent approach in examining how evidence is embedded in narratives. This article develops a categorization of narrative uses of evidence. A narrative use of evidence is defined by the different roles that evidence plays in the plot of a narrative depending on which narrative element is addressed by a given piece of evidence. To distinguish different narrative uses of evidence, the article examines how competing coalitions use the Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) study in Swiss direct‐democratic campaigns on school policy. Quantitative and qualitative content analyses of newspaper articles and governmental documents show how evidence may relate to all main narrative elements and may play different roles in the plot of a narrative. The findings demonstrate significant differences in the narrative uses of PISA between coalitions related to the story types and narrative strategies that each coalition uses. Finally, the implications for future NPF research are discussed. 相似文献
76.
Caroline Ashcroft 《History of European Ideas》2018,44(1):128-142
The influence of the ancient Greek world on Hannah Arendt’s thought is well documented, yet her interest in the politics of the Roman Republic is often considered less central to her work. This paper explores Arendt’s analysis of both these political worlds, with a particular emphasis on what this comparison can tells us about her understanding of the role of violence in politics. Arendt has generally been understood to structurally exclude violence from the political, in part due to the claims she makes in her later essay ‘On Violence.’ Yet in her portrayal of Roman politics, and her preference for this political system above the Greeks’ (in certain respects), a genuinely political engagement with violence can be discerned. The paper claims that this particular case study indicates the framework of the vita activa, set out by Arendt in The Human Condition, should be reinterpreted, particularly insofar as ‘fabrication’ or ‘work’ here appears as something that is legitimately part of the political, and incorporates within it some forms of violence. The claims that violence is structurally anti-political, this paper concludes, are temporally specific to a twentieth-century context, rather than constituting a foundational ‘rule’ of political practice for Arendt. 相似文献
77.
Sharlene Mollett Caroline Faria 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2018,25(4):565-577
In this article, we highlight the inherent spatialities of intersectionality and its pivotal importance for feminist geographic thought. Intersectionality was, at its inception, already a deeply spatial theoretical concept, process and epistemology, particularly when read through careful and serious engagement with Black Feminist Thought and the writings of radical women of color. We do so here, revisiting Cooper, Crenshaw, Collins and other key scholars to demonstrate that the interlocking violence of racism, patriarchy, heteronormativity, and capitalism have always constituted a spatial formation. Drawing on feminist geographic thought from the 1990s onwards, we highlight the influence of intersectional thinking on our discipline particularly concerning how racial, gendered and classed power operates in place and through space. These pieces have inspired and driven our work, and we extend them here, recognizing newer scholarship that extends and enriches feminist geography through a postcolonial intersectionality. We close by arguing that intersectional thinking is indispensable to feminist geography. Working in solidarity, across and through the interrogation of difference, with agreement and discord, we encourage a deeper feminist geographic engagement with intersectional thinkers, contributing to more critical (and hopeful) futures for our scholarship. 相似文献
78.
79.
Caroline Upton 《Development and change》2020,51(1):224-252
Despite well-founded concerns over the proliferation of Payments for Ecosystem Services (PES) schemes, critical geographers have begun to challenge the ‘milieu of apprehension’ associated with PES (Jackson and Palmer, 2014: 122). There is a growing call for more nuanced analyses of ways in which the ecosystem services paradigm and PES may, in particular circumstances, encompass and make legible diverse ways of being in/knowing nature and provide opportunities for local/indigenous actors to advance their own needs and values. Adopting a ‘radical pragmatist’ approach, the author of this article worked with Mongolian herder groups to develop a locally-grounded manifestation of PES, with specific attention to the incorporation of diverse socio-ecological relations, beliefs and values. The article argues that such co-produced iterations of PES, with due attention to tripartite dimensions of environmental justice, can facilitate local stewardship, whilst eschewing enclosure of commons and crowding out of non-market values and motives for conservation, albeit shaped and constrained by diverse manifestations of power. 相似文献
80.