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CHRISTIAN LEITHNER 《Australian journal of political science》1997,32(1):29-48
This article describes and tests a process which generates the 'pro-coalition gender gap' in electoral behaviour which has been observed in recent research. More detailed analysis, however, indicates that this gap is more apparent than real: for almost three-quarters of the electorate (those who are not members of trade unions) the electoral behaviour of men and women is virtually identical. Further, sex segregation in the workforce appears at least as much as women's participation in the workforce to underlie the 'pro-coalition' gap. These results imply that this (at least partially artifactual) gap is likely to persist into the foreseeable future. 相似文献
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The reform of the eurozone and the concerns surrounding a potential ‘Brexit’ has given rise to a new debate about differentiation but also disintegration in the European Union. This article provides a theoretical and analytical approach to understanding how differentiation is related to the debate on distribution of competences across various levels government. It finds that differentiation has played an important role in the EU integration process since the 1950s, even though the risk of fragmentation has always existed. Facing the benefits and costs of differentiation, the member states have developed their own practices. Three ideosyncratic groups of member states can be identified in this regard: first, a group of Anglo‐Scandinavian member states which refuse centralization of the EU; a Franco‐German group which considers the integration through the promotion of a ‘core Europe’; and, third, a group of central and east European member states who fear that differentiation would set their interests aside and relegate them to second‐class status within the EU. Finally, Brexit is not only about the status of the UK in the EU, but casts deeper questions on how to clarify the nature of relations between the eurozone and the EU as a whole. 相似文献
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One frequently hears statements about the damage done to the 'international community' by disagreements about the invasion and occupation of Iraq. It is clear from the general nature and frequency of its use that the term 'inter‐national community' has an important political function in generating legiti‐macy for those who act in its name. It is also clear from its popular usage that 'international community' means very different, and often quite opposed, things to different people. Why is the strong term 'community' chosen when 'inter‐national society' might be more useful? Longstanding debates within political theory and the English school provide helpful insights into why people use this term in the ways that they do. This article will argue that international community implies a deep and robust sharing of identity, and that in relation to the Iraq war, the most important meaning of it equates broadly with the West. The authors look at the effect of the war on the western international com‐munity through its impact on NATO, the EU, the UN, the WTO and public opinion. They further argue that the evidence from these sources does not yet suggest that the western international community has been fatally damaged. 相似文献
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POTENTIAL IMPACTS OF GLOBAL SEA-LEVEL RISE ON CANADIAN COASTS 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
JOHN SHAW ROBERT B. TAYLOR STEVEN SOLOMON HAROLD A. CHRISTIAN DONALD L. FORBES 《The Canadian geographer》1998,42(4):365-379
The sea-level rise that may result from global climate change is placed within the context of past and present sea-level changes on Canadian coasts. To assess future impact, a dimensionless index of sensitivity is determined. Coasts with low, moderate, and high sensitivity constitute 67%, 30%, and 3% of the total coastline, respectively. The most sensitive regions are: (1) several parts of the Maritime Provinces; (2) two areas of the British Columbia coast; and (3) a large part of the Beaufort Sea coast. Impacts in four regions - Bay of Fundy, Beaufort Sea, Fraser Delta, and Eastern Shore of Nova Scotia - are discussed in detail. It is argued that the societal response to changes in sea level should favour retreat and accommodation strategies.
Il est possible que les changements climatiques globaux provoqueront une élévation du niveau de la mer. Nous examinons ce scénario dans le contexte des changements passés et présents du niveau de la mer sur les côtes canadiennes. Pour évaluer l'impact de l'élévation prévue un indice non dimensionnel de vulnérabilité est déterminé. Les côtes à la vulnérabilité basse, modérée et élevée constituent, respectivement, 67%, 30%, et 3% de tout le littoral. Les régions les plus vulnérables sont: (1) plusieurs régions dans les provinces maritimes; (2) deux zones sur la côte de la Colombie britannique; et (3) la plupart de la côte de la mer de Beaufort. Nous discutons en détail les impacts dans quatre régions, soit la baie Fundy, la mer Beaufort, la delta du Fraser et la rivage dit 'Eastern Shore' de la Nouvelle-Écosse. Nous estimons que la réponse sociale aux changements du niveau de la mer devrait favoriser des stratégies de retraite et d'accommodement. 相似文献
Il est possible que les changements climatiques globaux provoqueront une élévation du niveau de la mer. Nous examinons ce scénario dans le contexte des changements passés et présents du niveau de la mer sur les côtes canadiennes. Pour évaluer l'impact de l'élévation prévue un indice non dimensionnel de vulnérabilité est déterminé. Les côtes à la vulnérabilité basse, modérée et élevée constituent, respectivement, 67%, 30%, et 3% de tout le littoral. Les régions les plus vulnérables sont: (1) plusieurs régions dans les provinces maritimes; (2) deux zones sur la côte de la Colombie britannique; et (3) la plupart de la côte de la mer de Beaufort. Nous discutons en détail les impacts dans quatre régions, soit la baie Fundy, la mer Beaufort, la delta du Fraser et la rivage dit 'Eastern Shore' de la Nouvelle-Écosse. Nous estimons que la réponse sociale aux changements du niveau de la mer devrait favoriser des stratégies de retraite et d'accommodement. 相似文献