论北宋的唐史编纂和政治诉求

历史编纂也是思想的反映.本文从历史编纂的角度,通过探讨北宋时期唐史修撰的原因、历史编纂中体现出来的正统论、史书体裁和体例以及史料采撰与史意的关系,从多个方面来探讨北宋的唐史编纂与政治的联系.     

深切的怀念难忘的日子——三川土族人民为毛主席纪念堂敬献核桃木纪实

1976年9月9日,中国人民的伟大领袖毛泽东主席与世长辞,神州呜咽,赤县尽哀。地处黄河上游的民和三川土族人民无比悲恸,无不深深怀念人民救星毛泽东!他们没有忘记,1949年9月1日,受毛泽东主席、朱德总司令之命向青海进军的中国人民解放军渡过黄河;9月2日,民和县解放;9月6日,民和县     

行省中的罗马军队:以罗马不列颠为中心

进入帝国时期以后,罗马的扩张活动基本上偃旗息鼓。相应地,元首制时期的罗马军队经历了两个重要变化。一是兵源募选日益本土化,这使军团和辅助军之间的区别日渐淡化。二是行省驻军日益定居化,这使军队作为自成一体的社会具有隔离于非军事区的趋势。由于这两个变化,军队在和平时期的非军事功能日益突出。对不列颠罗马驻军的考察表明,军队对行省的影响主要体现在：军队对城市化进程起重要的推动作用;向军队供应粮食带动了不列颠南方地区的农业发展;军队是普及罗马公民权的重要渠道。关注这些非军事功能有助于更充分地理解作为罗马帝国主义工具的军队。     

Beneath the Rising Sun: “Frenchness” and the Archaeology of Desire

This article takes the case of “rouge pot” fragments found in an archaeological context in New Orleans’ French Quarter associated with the circa 1822 Rising Sun Hotel and investigates the discourses and desires that shape our interpretations of artifacts. We argue that archaeological, historiographic, and public desires overlap and inform one another in a complex web of relations. In New Orleans, the particular web into which the archaeology of cosmetic jars and hotel sites can fall is spun by the ways in which the former French colonial capital is sexualized in both textbooks and folk songs.     

藏书家徐维则事迹钩述

文献学家郑伟章先生曾著文,阐发蔡元培与徐友兰及铸学斋的关系,纠正了长期以来误以为蔡元培在徐友兰长兄徐树兰古越藏书楼校书一说[1].但在提及徐友兰之子徐维则时,郑说:"民国间采写的<绍兴县志资料>无传,其生平事迹无由知之."[2]到1999年出版<文献家通考>,仍对徐维则语焉不详.徐树兰、徐显败与徐友兰、徐维则两对藏书家父子,是蔡元培早年在绍兴交往最多的几位友人,其中以徐维则与蔡元培的关系最为密切.本文就其生平事迹及其与蔡元培的交往经历等作一述略.     

高句丽将军坟的陪葬墓

将军坟是集安高句丽古墓中保存最好的一座大型方坛阶梯石室墓。多数学者认为它是高句丽第20代王长寿王的陵墓。将军坟后面原有一排陪葬墓,中外学者对其数量存在着分歧。1997年清理发掘后,有人认为第二座陪葬墓北侧的长方形石砌台基可能是祭台。通过古代墓祭的相关记载与考古迹象分析,应当是串形的陪葬墓。     

Confronting a Disciplinary Blindness: Women,War and Rape in the International Politics of Security

Much of the debate surrounding the inclusion of women in the study of international politics, particularly in reflections of war, promotes passive representation. State-sanctioned images of non-combatant women in supportive wartime roles reflect, rather than confront, traditional conceptualisations of 'legitimate knowledge' and ways of knowing. Therefore, estimates that 30,000 women were raped during the war in Bosnia shocked the international community. Yet it shouldn't. War rape is as old as war itself. This article looks at why, and how, traditional forms of theorising about international politics fails to identify or vocalise the violent insecurities of women in domestic and international space, thus ensuring women's silence. It also draws on alternative ways of knowing to confront the tradition and to un/recover the experiences of women.