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221.
Benjamin Schreer 《Australian Journal of International Affairs》2016,70(1):37-49
In July 2014, Australia's new Prime Minister, Tony Abbott, and his Japanese counterpart, Shinzō Abe, elevated the status of bilateral ties to a ‘special strategic relationship'. Both sides also agreed on intensifying their defence technology cooperation, including in the submarine space. As well, Prime Minister Abbott called Australia a ‘strong ally’ of Japan. Yet, the prospect of a further strengthening of Australia–Japan defence relations has led to criticism by Australian strategic commentators. In particular, critics argue that closer strategic relations with Japan could damage Australia's ties with a rising China. In a worst-case scenario, Australia might even become ‘entrapped’ in a Sino-Japanese conflict. However, this argues that a closer defence relationship is in Australia's strategic interests in the face of China's increasing challenge to the rules-based order in the region. China's uncompromising position in the South China Sea and its more assertive behaviour have led to a greater congruence of threat and risk assessment between Australia and Japan. Indeed, Australia and Japan are increasingly facing a security dilemma vis-à-vis China, albeit to varying degrees. Therefore, for Australia, promoting Japan's ‘security normalisation’ contributes to regional stability. As well, the article points out that closer strategic ties with Japan do not automatically come at the expense of Sino-Australia relations. China's leverage to ‘punish’ Australia for unwanted strategic behaviour is limited, and concerns about ‘entrapment’ in a Sino-Japanese war are exaggerated. However, the more China exerts coercive diplomacy, the closer Australia–Japan defence relations are likely to become. 相似文献
222.
Benjamin W. Porter 《Journal of Archaeological Research》2016,24(4):373-420
Archaeological research on the Iron Age (1200–500 BC) Levant, a narrow strip of land bounded by the Mediterranean Sea and the Arabian Desert, has been balkanized into smaller culture historical zones structured by modern national borders and disciplinary schools. One consequence of this division has been an inability to articulate broader research themes that span the wider region. This article reviews scholarly debates over the past two decades and identifies shared research interests in issues such as ethnogenesis, the development of territorial polities, economic intensification, and divergent responses to imperial interventions. The broader contributions that Iron Age Levantine archaeology offers global archaeological inquiry become apparent when the evidence from different corners of the region is assembled. 相似文献
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Benjamin J. Wood 《Political Theology》2015,16(1):47-60
AbstractThis article constructs a positive theological case for liberal multiculturalism through a close interrogation of the exegetical methods of Augustine of Hippo (354–430). Drawing out the political implications of the charitable hermeneutics of De doctrina christiana, I suggest that Augustine authorizes political theology to respond generously to multicultural practices of social co-existence and notions of “deep diversity.” In this guise, the Augustinian method of Scriptural reading provides a means of cherishing diverse cultural forms. Yet, alongside these inclusive affirmations, Augustine’s Scriptural politics suggests that liberal multiculturalism should not be an uncontested project for the Church. In place of a politics of separatist autonomy or passive tolerance, Augustine points us towards a radical politics of difference rooted in a fusion of truthfulness and love 相似文献
225.
Benjamin Graham 《Early Medieval Europe》2020,28(3):344-366
226.
Jules R. Benjamin 《外交史》2000,24(4):655-659
Book reviewed in this article:
Louis A. Pérez Jr., The War of 1898: The United States and Cuba in History and Historiography 相似文献
Louis A. Pérez Jr., The War of 1898: The United States and Cuba in History and Historiography 相似文献
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Clyde Kenneth Walter T. H. Maze Mark E. Maggio Ayman G. Smadi Benjamin J. Allen 《政策研究杂志》1993,21(2):325-337
In the second half of the nineteenth century, and again in the middle of the twentieth century, federal, state, and local governments were involved in large-scale subsidizing and promoting of railroad infrastructure for economic development purposes. In the 1800s, public financial involvement centered on the expansion of railroads to develop the West. In the 1960s, 1970s, and early 1980s, public financial assistance focused on preserving rail freight services, and on restructuring the then oversized national rail network. In the 1990s and beyond, rail improvements and the need for public assistance are likely to be more incremental, with mostly local projects. Case study research was conducted on six local freight rail service projects, all of which had public sector investment. Five attributes were identified whose presence was associated with project success, or conversely, whose absence may have reduced the likelihood for project success. These success attributes should be used as an adjunct to sound economic analysis, and incorporated within future policies governing selection of local rail projects to receive public assistance. 相似文献