排序方式: 共有152条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Carl‐Axel Moberg 《Norwegian Archaeological Review》2013,46(1):22-26
The question of when and how fanning was introduced in the north of Norway has for decades been entangled with the hypothesis of a teutonic immigration in the Early Iron Age. New evidence ‐ mainly pollen analytical results ‐ takes away the basis for the immigration hypothesis. Both animal husbandry and barley growing originate in the neolithic periods. Although artifacts and intentional deposits of south Scandinavian types are comparatively few, important parallels are seen with Hordaland, west Norway, especially in the late Middle Neolithic Period. In the establishment and early development of farming in the North no doubt diffusional processes were at work, but small scale immigrations may also have occurred. 相似文献
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Dan Bauer 《Reviews in Anthropology》2013,42(4):233-240
Vansina, Jan. Paths in the Rainforests: Toward a History of Political Tradition in Equatorial Africa. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1990. xx + 428 pp. including appendix, notes/references, and index. $45.00 cloth, $17.50 paper. Dillon, Richard D. Ranking and Resistance: A Precolonial Cameroonian Polity in Regional Perspective. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990. xiii + 310 pp. including appendix, references, and index. $39.50 cloth. Ferguson, James. The Anti‐politics Machine: “Development,” Depoliticization and Bureaucratic Power in Lesotho. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. xvi + 320 pp. including notes, references, and index. $49.50 cloth. 相似文献
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Ute Christina Bauer 《Standort - Zeitschrift für angewandte Geographie》2012,36(3):121-121
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John R. Bauer 《Congress & the Presidency》2013,40(2):97-110
This article contributes to the development of a "revised" interpretation of James Madison's views on representation. I suggest that Madison's approach to representation is more complex than has been recognized. Specifically, Madison believed different "styles" of representation are necessary for the House, Senate, and President because of the unique functions served by each institution. "Style" refers both to the nature of the representative-constituency relationship (the "role" of the representative) and the character of the individual most likely to be selected as representative. In Madison's scheme, the proper functioning of each institution is guaranteed only if the method of selection insures the appropriate role is maintained and persons of proper character are selected. Throughout the essay, I note significant differences between the arguments which Madison put forward in the Constitutional Convention and those he defended in the Federalist essays. 相似文献
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Abstract The beginning of the seventeenth century marked the start of a scientific revolution, which had consequences for medicine. Vesalius in anatomy, and Harvey in physiology, were important figures who gave the Hippocratic and Galenic traditions new impulses. In this period of change in medical thought, Nicolaas Tulp (1593–1674) wrote his ‘Observationes Medicae’ (Tulp, 1641). A controversy existed in The Netherlands, concerning the circulation, with many doctors still adhering to the Galenic tradition. The following analysis discusses some of the neurologic cases from Tulp's book, seen in the light of modern medical thought. 相似文献
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Axel Körner 《Modern Italy》2013,18(2):137-162
Since the early nineteenth century political opposition became a central concept of political representation in constitutional monarchies. While this concept marked the political language of unified Italy on the national level, in local administration the legitimacy of political opposition remained an issue of dispute, as illustrated in this analysis of the political language in Bologna's local council. Local perceptions of national events, like the government's reaction to Garibaldi's unsuccessful Mentana-campaign, assumed major symbolic meaning in local politics and challenged traditional understandings of municipal administration by introducing the concept of political opposition. In Bologna, after Rome the second city of the former Papal State, the Moderates were able to grow into a position of political hegemony after the Unification of Italy and remained the predominant political force also after Italy's “parliamentary revolution” of 1876 and the electoral reforms of the 1880s. As a consequence of its limited influence on the local administration, Bologna's Left defined its ideological profile earlier and more clearly than the Left in other parts of Italy and integrated issues of national importance into local political discourse. Analysing the relationship between central administration and periphery, the article reveals the development of political language and the changing meanings of political representation between Unification and World War One and explains on this basis the escalation of social and political conflict in Finesecolo Italy. 相似文献