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Claire Morgan‐Davies Tony Waterhouse Karen Smyth Meg L. Pollock 《Scottish Geographical Journal》2013,129(4):385-400
This paper supports the need for new policy developments to produce farm conservation plans specific to local areas. It explores attitudes to land management for conservation and economic goals, and presents views of fanners and local conservationists, who are directly involved in agri‐environmental and farm woodland schemes, in three regions of the Highlands of Scotland. It reviews the current state of Scottish agri‐environmental schemes, and presents results of on‐farm workshops conducted with farmers and conservationists and discusses common management plan approaches for environmental action. It concludes that farmers and conservationists are already considering the advantages of local area planning at a local area level and agree that there should be focus on addressing local site specific issues which take into account both the whole farm and its wider environment. 相似文献
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Gerry Smyth 《Irish Studies Review》2010,18(3):359-363
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Russell Smyth 《Australian journal of political science》2005,40(4):519-540
This paper examines the role of attitudinal, institutional and environmental factors in explaining the dissent rate on the High Court of Australia (hereafter High Court) using data for the period 1904–2001. The paper's main conclusion is that the majority of attitudinal and institutional factors tested are important predictors of variation in the dissent rate while the urbanisation rate, which is used to measure socio-political complexity, has no statistically significant effect on the High Court's dissent rate. 相似文献
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What young people have to say about schooling can be most revealing, particularly when they expose and challenge the injustices and logic of school policies and practices. This paper captures voices from secondary school students from a school in Victoria, Australia, as part of a research project called Becoming Educated. The paper explores a particular geography of youth around the notion of ‘shape shifter’ as it relates to young people's education in two ways: first, in understanding the changing roles and identities of students as observers of, and participants in, education policies and practices; and second, as a way of interpreting the intent of those who ‘shape’ new ideas and policies to create a kind of ‘temporary alteration of outside appearances for the purpose of deception’ [Merchant, B. 1995. “Current Educational Reform: ‘Shape-shifting’ or Genuine Improvements in the Quality of Teaching and Learning?” Educational Theory 45 (2, Spring): 251–268]. The latter has a particularly significant impact on the former, and this paradox is not one that goes unnoticed by young people. 相似文献
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Denis Smyth 《国际历史评论》2013,35(3):629-640
PAUL PRESTON. Franco: A Biography. London: HarperCollins, 1993. Pp. xxi, 1,002. £25.00; PAUL PRESTON. The Politics of Revenge: Fascism and the Military in Twentieth- Century Spain. London and New York: Routledge, 1990 and 1995 (reprint). Pp. xix, 215. £11.99; MICHAEL ALPERT. A New International History of the Spanish Civil War. New York: St Martin's Press, 1994. Pp. ix, 209. $45.00 (US); ENRIQUE MORADIELLOS. La Perfidia de Albión: El Gobierno británico y la guerra civil española. Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno de España Editores, 1996. Pp. xviii, 408. 3,000 ptas. 相似文献
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Russell Smyth 《Australian journal of political science》2000,35(2):255-274
The High Court has always played an important political and social role. However, recent debate over implied rights in the Constitution has brought judicial power into focus, making it an important topic for assessment. One framework that has been used to test judicial power in Canadian, English and United States appeal courts is the notion of party capability theory. This paper analyses reported and unreported decisions of the High Court since 1948 in light of party capability theory. It attempts to identify what impact (if any) both the experience and resources of the litigants has had on which parties win and lose on appeal over an extended period. The main conclusion is that there is little evidence to support the thesis that stronger parties persistently come out ahead. 相似文献
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