首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   245篇
  免费   11篇
  2023年   2篇
  2020年   7篇
  2019年   4篇
  2018年   9篇
  2017年   8篇
  2016年   8篇
  2015年   9篇
  2014年   6篇
  2013年   67篇
  2012年   8篇
  2011年   6篇
  2010年   6篇
  2009年   5篇
  2008年   7篇
  2007年   5篇
  2006年   3篇
  2005年   4篇
  2004年   7篇
  2003年   5篇
  2002年   4篇
  2001年   3篇
  2000年   5篇
  1999年   7篇
  1998年   3篇
  1997年   9篇
  1996年   4篇
  1995年   6篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   1篇
  1992年   1篇
  1991年   1篇
  1989年   2篇
  1988年   1篇
  1987年   3篇
  1986年   1篇
  1985年   2篇
  1984年   3篇
  1983年   2篇
  1982年   5篇
  1979年   3篇
  1977年   1篇
  1976年   5篇
  1975年   2篇
  1974年   1篇
  1972年   1篇
  1971年   1篇
  1969年   1篇
  1965年   1篇
排序方式: 共有256条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
221.
This article looks at the creation of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) and itsimpact on European Union-South-East Asian relations. It suggests that as withother regions of the world, the EU uses framework agreements to regulatecontact with other international actors. The article argues that the EU's renewed interest in the region, signposted by the Commission's 'Towards a new Asia strategy' and the proposal 'Creating a new dynamic in EU-ASEAN relations', as well as the formation of ASEM, is driven by three principal concerns: a need to meet the challenges of the post-Cold War period by extending structured contact to new interlocutors beyond ASEAN; a need to restate the EU's credentials as a stakeholder in the region, thus legitimizing European political and economic interests alongside those of other global actors such as the United States and Japan; and a new-found interest in defining acceptable economic and human rights standards as a precondition of privileged contact with the EU.
However, while ASEM offers greater connectivity between different activitiesof the EU and may bring a more coordinated approach to the relationship, it is unlikely to lead to a qualitative shift in engagement. For a variety of reasons–notably the lack of geographical proximity, economic asymmetry, and a preoccupation with central and eastern Europe-South-East Asia will remain a marginal area of engagement for the EU. With regard to future developments,structured contact between the EU and South-East Asia will survive not leastbecause of the potential economic importance of the latter and the continuingcompetition in the region from the United States, Japan and China.  相似文献   
222.
223.
Electoral outcomes are determined in part by voters who switch their political allegiance between elections. Though the subject of extensive study in other countries, this floating vote has received comparatively little attention in Australia. This paper uses 1967 and 1979 survey data to analyse vote switching in Australian elections. We argue, firstly, that turnover tables based on recalled voting are, as research in other countries has shown, inaccurate reflections of the election result. As an alternative, we propose a measure of ‘potential’ vote switching based on the concept of lifetime voting. Secondly, using this concept of lifetime voting to derive a measure of party commitment allows the construction of a three‐fold typology of Australian voters — partisans, marginals and switchers. Finally, a longitudinal analysis of the voting patterns of these three groups indicates a gradual erosion of electoral commitment to the Liberal party, whereas Labor has largely retained its partisan base.  相似文献   
224.
225.
226.
227.
228.
This article has two main aims: to show how the quality of resistivity surveys may be improved by the use of new probe configurations and consideration of seasonal effects on detectability of features; and secondly to describe the value of the new fluxgate gradiometers for rapid detailed magnetic surveys and for scanning substantial tracts of country for archaeological remains. Methods of survey presentation are also briefly described.  相似文献   
229.
230.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号