Metal provenancing using isotopes and the Oxford archaeological lead isotope database (OXALID)

This paper reviews the research into the methodology of lead isotope provenance studies carried out at the University of Oxford between 1975 and 2002, at first in the Department of Geology (Geological Age and Isotope Research Laboratory), later in the Isotrace Laboratory based in the Department of Nuclear Physics, and eventually part of the Research Laboratory of Archaeology and the History of Art. These 27 years of intensive work, funded initially by the Stiftung Volkswagenwerk, and later from numerous UK Government and Charitable funds and finally by the Institute of Aegean Prehistory laid the foundations of the lead isotope provenance methodology and resulted in a large database of analytical isotope and elemental results. In spite of the efforts of the authors, this database is still not comprehensively published or easily accessible in a digital format by all researchers interested in using this method for their projects. The possibilities of advancing this situation are discussed. The authors discuss in detail the basic restrictions and advantages of using the lead isotope compositions of ores in mineral deposits for finding the origin of the raw materials used for making ancient artefacts. Methods for the scientific interpretation of the data are discussed, including attempts to use statistical methods. The methodology of creating the Oxford lead isotope database (OXALID) is outlined and a summary is given of the lead isotope resource provided by OXALID.     

Municipal Boundary Conflicts Between Jewish and Arab Local Authorities in Israel: Geography of Administration or Geopolitics?

Municipal boundaries shape the influence of local government on patterns of development and disparities. Based on a largely qualitative assessment of initiatives to change municipal boundaries of Arab localities in Israel between the 1960s and 2001, we aim to demonstrate the tension between geographical‐administrative considerations and political, particularly geopolitical, issues at two levels: Arab claims and central government decisions. We emphasize that municipal boundary conflicts provide broader insights on societal transformations and dilemmas, as well as influencing them. Growing activism of Arabs and trends of political decentralization led not only to class‐based demands, but also to ethno‐national‐based demands. In addition to development needs with an emphasis on equality, claims of Arab municipalities also reflect aspirations to reverse consequences of the 1948 war and to redefine the Jewish essence of the state. A major dilemma among Arabs is whether to emphasize geographic‐administrative justifications or to explicitly take the ethno‐national path. Among central government decision‐makers, an explicitly political discourse has apparently given way to a professional one, which faces dilemmas of incorporating unique political‐cultural attributes of Arabs in professional assessments, and balancing them with concerns of security and state identity. Whereas professional jargon is not value free and can mask political agendas, dialogues based on a professional jargon could lead to solutions in otherwise dead‐end political disputes, although such dialogues could gain momentum only if showing results.     

Stalinist Identity from the Viewpoint of Gender: Rearing a Generation of Professionally Violent Women‐Fighters in 1930s Stalinist Russia

Over the course of the Great Patriotic War, 1941–1945, over 800,000 Soviet women volunteered to the front and served in the field army. Among them were thousands of snipers, riflewomen, machine‐gunners and mortar women. Thousands of women were trained to serve as commanders and commissars of rifle, machine‐gun and mortar subdivisions. Women also mastered fighter planes, dive bombers and night bombers as well as light and heavy tanks. I pursue three questions in the article: how did this women's entitlement to fighting become thinkable in the first place, acceptable in the second, and thirdly, realisable in Soviet society? I argue that the conceivability of women's compatibility with combat, war and violence was a product of the radical undoing of traditional gender differences that Stalinist society underwent in the 1930s. By the late 1930s, combat duty in wartime became an acknowledged option for women in Stalinist political culture. The construction of alternative gender personalities enjoyed both public articulation in press and military expert approval. The alternative femininity encompassed and redefined the traditionally incompatible qualities: maternal love and military violence, feminine charm.     

Woman and Violence in Artistic Discourse of the Russian Revolution and Civil War (1917–1922)

This article examines visual and literary representations of violence against women produced during the period. The image of a woman suffering from violence is presented from different points of view in literary art works of the Revolution and Civil War time. It was created and circulated among Red and White camps mainly in accordance with the task of propaganda bodies. Among the object of violence there are allegoric women's figures, symbolising Russia, revolution, freedom, well‐known heroines from literature, historic personages and contemporary women – ordinary victims of civil confrontation and direct participants of the Revolution and war. Men or symbols traditionally personifying masculine origin were nearly always the perpetrators of violence, and the image of the female victim was exploited for the strong emotions it evoked. In most cases physical violence against women was treated as anomaly. But the control of the regime over the woman's emotional sphere had become a standard everywhere.     

Anchoring trilateralism: Can Australia-Japan-US security relations work?

Editor's Note: Both Japan and Australia are evaluating how to manage their respective alliances with the United States at a time when no clear international order has yet emerged to replace Cold War bipolarity. As America's two closest allies in the region, both of these countries have a growing interest in exploring how their own security relations should develop in conjunction with or independent of their US affiliation. Two major workshops were convened in Tokyo and Brisbane during July 2004 to consider this question, employing a rich array of approaches and perspectives to the task. The two authors served as the rapporteurs for the respective workshops and have collaborated here to summarise and assess the results.     

The Veil and Urban Space in Istanbul: Women's dress,mobility and Islamic knowledge

The issue of veiling marks an ideological fault line in urban Turkey. Based on focus groups conducted with migrant women to Istanbul in the spring of 1999, this article aims to show how veiling, as a form of dress, is a spatial practice that gains its significance through women's urban mobility and their construction of Islamic understandings in the city. At the same time, both urban mobility and Islamic knowledge are structured by wider relations of power, such as the struggle between the secular state and resurgent Islamic politics. In order to situate the practice of veiling within these structures, the author argues that Istanbul is marked by a pattern of shifting 'regimes of veiling,' and that these spatialized norms of dress affect the meaning and enactment of women's veiling choices. This concept is particularly useful to draw out the ways in which veiling, despite providing some protection from urban harassment, may actually constrain women's urban mobility in the context of Istanbul. The focus group analysis illustrates these points and demonstrates how women's views on Islam provide a basis for their attitudes towards veiling, mobility and space. The author suggests that among the participants, two main trends in Islamic understandings related to veiling can be observed: one towards the 'privatization' of religion along secularist lines, accompanied by a flexible attitude towards veiling, and another towards the public contestation of formal anti-veiling regimes justified in terms of knowledge gleaned through direct, textual engagement with Islam. In this way, this study aims to link veiling, as a socio-spatial practice, to the local, gendered production of Islamic knowledge in Istanbul.     

十八世纪杭州地区的画家方薰及其作品——以故宫博物院藏品为中心

18世纪末至19世纪中期,嘉兴府艺术家辈出,有史家甚至称之为所谓"嘉兴画派",认为它对后来的海派起到了重要影响。方薰并非这一派中的杰出艺术家,但他却生活在一个承上启下的时期,他的艺术承接了17、18世纪正统工细的艺术风格,同时也是19世纪后半叶上海艺术形式创新的前奏,从这个角度看,北京故宫所保存的5幅方薰的画作具有很大的价值。本文通过深入研究方薰生平并结合其作品,认为浙北知识精英阶层的生活品位与艺术需求同画家的创作有着密切的互动关系。对方薰个案的研究,可以使我们在某种程度上找到认知18世纪苏杭文人圈的捷径。此外,作者还指出,每个艺术中心都拥有它相对独特的文化,我们不应以偏概全地认为乾隆朝的宫廷以及扬州一带是18世纪所有中国画的原产地。