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121.
The aim of this work is to throw light on the archaic production of ‘Corinthian B’ amphorae, which are widely diffused in the Western Mediterranean basin and are also present in Greece, but whose geographical provenance is still under discussion. We analysed a group of 37 samples belonging to different ceramic classes dated to the sixth and fifth centuries bc . In particular, there were 19 sherds of trade amphorae of the so‐called archaic ‘Corinthian B’ type, from archaeological excavations in Gela (Sicily, Italy). As a comparison, we also investigated 18 samples of tiles and local coarse pottery from Sibari (Calabria, Italy). The samples were analysed using different techniques, such as optical analysis with a polarized‐light microscope (OM), X‐ray diffraction (XRD), Fourier transform–infrared absorption (FT–IR) and inductively coupled plasma–optical emission spectroscopy (ICP–OES). The combination of these complementary analytical methods allowed us to characterize the samples, determine their firing temperatures and identify the probable provenance. The study of thin sections of sherds by OM allowed us to divide the investigated amphorae into two main groups: the first was characterized by a composition that suggested a Western provenance, in particular from the Calabrian–Peloritan region; the second one was very similar to the ‘Corinthian B’ amphorae that come from Corinth and have been classified as ‘fabric class 1’ by Whitbread (1995 ). The XRD and FT–IR results permitted us to determine the mineral composition of the findings and to estimate their firing temperature. The ICP–OES technique was particularly useful in identifying the production centres. In fact, in the studied pottery, this analysis revealed Ni and Cr values that were noticeably different between Greek and southern Italian production.  相似文献   
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123.
The scientific analysis of ceramics often has the aim of identifying groups of similar artefacts. Much published work focuses on analysis of data derived from geochemical or mineralogical techniques. The former is more likely to be subjected to quantitative statistical analysis. This paper examines some approaches to the statistical analysis of data arising from both kinds of techniques, including ‘mixed‐mode’ methods where both types of data are incorporated into analysis. The approaches are illustrated using data derived from 88 Late Bronze Age transport jars from Kommos, Crete. Results suggest that the mixed‐mode approach can provide additional insight into the data.  相似文献   
124.
The occurrence of similar glass beads at archaeological sites in Africa and Asia bears witness to the trade relationship between the two continents. This paper reports elemental analysis results from a recent in‐depth laser ablation – inductively coupled plasma – mass spectrometry (LA–ICP–MS) study of a group of archaeological glass beads with a specific alumina‐rich composition from East Africa, India and Sri Lanka. Based on the concentrations of the trace elements, two different subgroups were identified. One subgroup occurs at early periods (fourth century bce to fifth century ace ) in South India and Sri Lanka. The second subgroup appears at later dates in Africa and was identified at different Kenyan sites dated from the ninth to the 19th century ace , and at the contemporaneous site of Chaul in western India.  相似文献   
125.
大美索不达米亚,在这里广泛地定义为阿拉伯河(Shattal—Arab)各支流汇人的整个地区,长期以来它是公众兴趣和学术研究的舞台。近年来,关注点转向这样一个事实,即它是世界上少数几个农业与动物饲养独立出现的地区之一。虽然已有许多近东粮食生产起源方式出色的文化历史学复原,但是大多数并未直接解决感兴趣的非专业人士最常提出的一些生态学问题。本文研究其中的某些问题。  相似文献   
126.
This article focuses on the presence of humans in Siberia and the Russian Far East at the coldest time of the Late Pleistocene, called the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) and dated to c. 20,000–18,000 rcbp. Reconstruction of the LGM environment of Siberia, based on the latest models and compilations, provides a background for human existence in this region. Most of Siberia and the Russian Far East at c. 20,000–18,000 rcbp was covered by tundra and cool steppe, with some forest formations in the river valleys. Climate was much colder and drier than it is today. Eighteen Upper Paleolithic sites in Siberia are radiocarbon dated strictly to the LGM, and at least six of them, located in southern parts of western and eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East, have solid evidence of occupation during that time span. It seems clear that southern Siberia was populated by humans even at the height of the LGM, and that there was no dramatic decline or complete disappearance of humans in Siberia at that time. The degree of human adaptation to periglacial landscapes in the mid-Upper Paleolithic of northern Eurasia was quite high; humans coped with the cold and dry environmental conditions using microblade technology, artificial shelters, tailored clothes, and megafaunal bones as fuel. An erratum to this article can be found at  相似文献   
127.
128.
The archaeological record of Oldowan hominins represents a diverse behavioral system. It has been suggested that exploitation of lithic resources by Oldowan hominins was simplistic and represented mostly use of local sources of stone. Here we investigate the raw material selection and transport behaviors of Oldowan hominins reflected in the stone artifact assemblages from the Kanjera South Formation, South Rachuonyo District, Kenya. Using geochemical methods (ED-XRF) artifacts are linked to primary and secondary source outcrops throughout southwestern Kenya. These data show that hominins selected raw materials for transport at frequencies that are significantly different from their availability on ancient landscapes. Furthermore, a substantial proportion of the assemblage represents transport over relatively long distances (>10 km). Our study further suggests that in the early stages of stone tool use hominins used a wide variety of raw materials and selected these materials at some distance from their eventual discard locations. Early hominin behavior may have incorporated an understanding of raw material source distributions across a more extensive landscape than has been previously documented. This supports the growing perspective that Oldowan technology represents a more complex behavioral pattern than is usually associated with the beginnings of hominin tool use.  相似文献   
129.
近年发掘的北赵晋国墓地为研究西周考古、历史等提供了极其宝贵的资料。该墓地中出土的大量铜器,引起了专家学者的广泛关注,研究成果涵盖很多方面,但仍有若干问题悬而未决,北赵墓地中墓主身份问题  相似文献   
130.
We present the combination of an analysis of resource demand by the early post-contact (1721) Cherokee population with spatially explicit estimates of production for five key resources: architectural land, agricultural land, firewood, hard mast, and white-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus). We combine a recent synthesis of village location and population, a map of recognized Cherokee territory, digital terrain data, estimates of per capita demand, and productive capacity for each resource. Average, high, and low demands were estimated for each resource and assigned based on a weighted function of terrain and distance from each village. We conclude that Cherokee demands for architectural and agricultural land, hard mast, and fuelwood were easily met within a short proximity to each town under all combinations of production and demand. These resources were likely not limiting, and were satisfied for the entire Cherokee population by less than 1% of the entire recognized Cherokee territory in 1721. These resources likely exceeded demand even when sources were restricted to the convex hull of the Cherokee territory, or to near stream, flat regions. Deer resources were likely harvested over a much larger area and to a much greater extent. Our best estimate of deer resource demand was 32% of annual sustainable production in the Cherokee territory, with from 16 to 48% of estimated sustainable production harvested for low and high demand estimates, respectively. Our estimates vary in response to uncertainties in deer production, harvest proportion, deer density, and sustainable harvest rates. Deer demand was substantially higher under all combinations of conditions than that available within the convex hull of Cherokee villages, indicating significant travel was needed to furnish deer requirements. Spatially explicit models that consider terrain- and distance-related tradeoffs suggest that Cherokee demand for deer drove harvest over areas consisting of over half the recognized Cherokee territory.  相似文献   
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