A Zuni atlas :

The dominant theme in court reorganization has been to state judiciaries by consolidating trial courts and centralizing their administration in a state level office. This article suggests that the debate over the relative merits of a centralized vs. a decentralized (or fragmented) court system ignores the rich variety of organizational structures used in other fields. The potential judicial implications of three models-franchise, corporate, and federal-are examined in detail. Their underlying assumptions are compared with those of the centralization approach. The argument is made that none of the models is appropriate for all circumstances. Each approach to court organization emphasizes a particular set of objectives at the expense of another set. An effort is made to identify what each approach has to offer.     

ALTERNATIVE MODELS FOR ORGANIZATION OF STATE COURT SYSTEMS*

The dominant theme in court reorganization has been to state judiciaries by consolidating trial courts and centralizing their administration in a state level office. This article suggests that the debate over the relative merits of a centralized vs. a decentralized (or fragmented) court system ignores the rich variety of organizational structures used in other fields. The potential judicial implications of three models-franchise, corporate, and federal-are examined in detail. Their underlying assumptions are compared with those of the centralization approach. The argument is made that none of the models is appropriate for all circumstances. Each approach to court organization emphasizes a particular set of objectives at the expense of another set. An effort is made to identify what each approach has to offer.     

Australia–Indonesia cooperation on asylum-seekers: a case of ‘incentivised policy transfer’

Australia and Indonesia have engaged in cooperation on asylum policy since the late 1990s, bilaterally on immigration detention and people-smuggling agreements, and multilaterally through the Bali Process. Seen from a global perspective, this form of cooperation is one of many such bilateral and multilateral agreements that stymie the ability of asylum-seekers to gain effective and durable protection. This article argues that policy transfer theory can explain how these agreements are achieved, their political implications, and their outcome for the refugee regime and the asylum-seekers reliant on the regime for protection. In the case study of Australia and Indonesia, the authors argue that the cooperation is best understood as a form of ‘incentivised policy transfer’, whereby Australia has provided substantial financial and diplomatic incentives to Indonesia to adopt policies consistent with Australia's own. The implications for asylum-seekers in the Asia-Pacific region are substantial, and include an increase in the use of immigration detention in Indonesia and the introduction of border security measures that restrict the ability of asylum-seekers to reach territory where they may claim protection under the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.     

"Abortion will deprive you of happiness!": Soviet reproductive politics in the post-Stalin era

This article examines Soviet reproductive politics after the Communist regime legalized abortion in 1955. The regime's new abortion policy did not result in an end to the condemnation of abortion in official discourse. The government instead launched an extensive campaign against abortion. Why did authorities bother legalizing the procedure if they still disapproved of it so strongly? Using archival sources, public health materials, and medical as well as popular journals to investigate the antiabortion campaign, this article argues that the Soviet government sought to regulate gender and sexuality through medical intervention and health "education" rather than prohibition and force in the post-Stalin era. It also explores how the antiabortion public health campaign produced "knowledge" not only about the procedure and its effects, but also about gender and sexuality, subjecting both women and men to new pressures and regulatory norms.     

Foucault and the politics of our selves

Exploring the apparent tension between Foucault's analyses of technologies of domination -- the ways in which the subject is constituted by power-knowledge relations -- and of technologies of the self -- the ways in which individuals constitute themselves through practices of freedom -- this article endeavors to make two points: first, the interpretive claim that Foucault's own attempts to analyse both aspects of the politics of our selves are neither contradictory nor incoherent; and second, the constructive claim that Foucault's analysis of the politics of our selves, though not entirely satisfactory as it stands, provides important resources for the project of critical social theory.