首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   381篇
  免费   33篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   9篇
  2019年   26篇
  2018年   26篇
  2017年   23篇
  2016年   27篇
  2015年   17篇
  2014年   18篇
  2013年   89篇
  2012年   13篇
  2011年   14篇
  2010年   19篇
  2009年   10篇
  2008年   6篇
  2007年   10篇
  2006年   7篇
  2005年   6篇
  2004年   5篇
  2003年   4篇
  2002年   8篇
  2001年   7篇
  2000年   5篇
  1999年   3篇
  1998年   2篇
  1997年   2篇
  1995年   2篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   3篇
  1992年   1篇
  1991年   5篇
  1990年   2篇
  1989年   4篇
  1988年   5篇
  1987年   1篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   2篇
  1983年   3篇
  1982年   1篇
  1981年   2篇
  1980年   1篇
  1978年   3篇
  1977年   6篇
  1976年   2篇
  1975年   2篇
  1974年   2篇
  1969年   1篇
  1958年   1篇
排序方式: 共有414条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
11.
Journal of Archaeological Research - The cities of the Indus civilization were expansive and planned with large-scale architecture and sophisticated Bronze Age technologies. Despite these hallmarks...  相似文献   
12.
In Westminster systems, governments enjoy a privileged position in the lawmaking process that they can use to deliver on their campaign promises and achieve their policy goals. What policy areas do governments seek to affect through lawmaking? How stable is the executive lawmaking agenda? How responsive is that agenda to changes triggered by elections or by transitions in prime minister? This study uses a dataset of 3982 Australian bills introduced between 2000 and 2017 to answer these questions. While it finds considerable stability in the policy content of executive lawmaking agendas, the analysis also indicates that Australia's executive lawmaking agenda is more responsive to changes in prime minister than to changes in the party in power. As the first application of the comparative policy agendas approaches to government bills in Australia, this article offers new insights into executive lawmaking priorities during an especially turbulent period in Australian politics.  相似文献   
13.
14.
Abstract. Conventional wisdom associates corporatism with undemocratic elite collusion, or worse, with the fascist order of Mussolini, Franco or Perq?n. However, another form of corporatism involves institutionalised bargaining between representatives of organised interest groups. This democratic corporatism engages in trade-offs between labour unions, business and state bureaucrats. Where these groups largely coincide with different ethnic constituencies, as in South Africa, the outcome of their bargaining also amounts to an ethnic compromise. This analysis explores the scope, potential and limitations of corporatist labour relations in the new South Africa. Embraced by the African National Congress (ANC) government, legalised codetermination none the less encounters strong reservation from both socialist union leaders as well as the white business establishment. Alienated workers feel shortchanged by elite deals which are also resented by fragmented business sectors. How far state representatives can mediate between different ethno-racial/class interests and realise the promise of less adversarial relations for mutually beneficial growth and stability is being probed with an analysis of the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac). Liberal South African analysts fear a one-party dominant state, because of likely future ANC hegemony and ethnic voting habits. This legitimate anxiety, however, needs to be balanced by the important checks placed on the ANC by corporatism. Even a poorly implemented corporatism of consensus seeking, it is argued, proves better than an ethno-racial adversarialism of an alternative to the non-racial ANC.  相似文献   
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号