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Osteobiographies were reconstructed from the skeletal remains of four adults from Fort Edmonton, a 19th century trading post of the Canadian fur trade. Three males were Caucasoid and probably ethnic Scots, given the usual origin of fur traders in this region. The lone adult female in the sample was Mongoloid, either Indian or Métis, and likely the ‘country wife’ of a fur trader, since she was buried in the European tradition in the fort cemetery. The cause of death is not discernible from any of the skeletal remains and none of these individuals exhibit any evidence of chronic infectious disease, malnutrition or neoplasia. Trauma, arthritis and other indicators of physical stress do appear, however, and present an opportunity to expand our understanding of the effects of fur trade life on the skeleton. Viewed in the context of historical accounts of life at the fort in the early 19th century, stress markers on the skeletons of three males have led to the conclusion that they were voyageurs who engaged in trading trips by canoe or boat. Lesions of the capsule attachment area at the proximal tibio‐fibular articulation appear unilaterally in two males and may be associated with ‘mushing’ or driving a dog sled in winter. The musculoskeletal lesions on the one preserved female skeleton are consistent with the arduous domestic activities documented at the fort, which include milking cows, churning butter, stirring lye soap, and harvesting grain and root vegetables by hand. Since specific occupations or behaviours cannot be precisely determined from muscular attachment and other stress markers, these interpretations are made cautiously and only in the culture‐historical context of the skeletal sample. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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Aaron Gillette 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(3):305-323
This article examines the origin, development and controversies concerning the 'Manifesto of racial scientists', the document published in July 1938 that laid the foundations for the forthcoming racial policies of the Fascist regime. The article seeks to explain Mussolini's rationale for adopting a racial ideology in the first place, and for including within this ideology such diverse (and contradictory) concepts as the 'Nordic Aryan' racial identity of Italians; the 'purity and uniqueness' of the 'Italian' race; anti-Semitism; anti-Africanism; and a 'biological' definition of race. These concepts, in general alien to traditional Italian thought, provoked a backlash among some prominent Italian scientists and Fascists of such magnitude as to throw the entire program of racial propaganda in disarray for the remainder of the regime's existence. The article also highlights the career of Dr Guido Landra, the actual author of the Manifesto, and considers the extent to which his ideas influenced the text. Questo articolo esamina l'origine, lo sviluppo e le controversie relative al Manifesto degli Scientisti Razziali. Il documento fu pubblicato nel luglio del 1938 e fornì la base ideologica per i successivi programmi razziali del regime fascista. L'articolo tenta di illustrare il motivo principale per cui Mussolini adottÒ un'ideologia razziale e incluse in tale ideologia concetti diversi e contraddittori come l'identitÀ razziale "Ariano-Nordica" degli Italiani; l'eccezionalitÀ e la pureza della razza italiana; l'antisemitismo; l'anti-Africanismo; e una definizione biologica del concetto di razza. Questi principi, che in generale sono contrari agli ideali comuni italiani, provocarono un contraccolpo, in grande scala fra molti scientisti italiani di fede fascisti e portarono il programma di propaganda razziale a uno stato di confusione per il resto dell'esistenza del regime. L'articolo esamina anche la carriera del dottor Guido Landra, il vero autore del Manifesto, e considera fino a che punto le idee di Landra influenzarono il contenuto del testo. 相似文献
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The Ultimate "Other": Post-Colonialism and Alexander von Humboldt's Ecological Relationship with Nature 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Aaron Sachs 《History and theory》2003,42(4):111-135
This article is a meditation on the overlaps between environmentalism, post‐colonial theory, and the practice of history. It takes as a case study the writings of the explorer‐scientist‐abolitionist Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), the founder of a humane, socially conscious ecology. The post‐colonial critique has provided a necessary corrective to the global environmental movement, by focusing it on enduring colonialist power dynamics, but at the same time it has crippled the field of environmental history, by dooming us to a model of the past in which all Euro‐American elites, devoid of personal agency, are always already in an exploitative relationship with the people and natural resources of the developing world. A close reading of Humboldt's work, however, suggests that it could provide the basis for a healthy post‐colonial environmentalism, if only post‐colonial critics were willing to see beyond Humboldt's complicity in colonial structures. In particular, this article attempts to rehabilitate Humboldt's reputation in the face of Mary Louise Pratt's canonical post‐colonial study, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. Humboldt's efforts to inspire communion with Nature while simultaneously recognizing Nature's “otherness” can be seen as radical both in his day and in ours. In addition his analysis of the link between the exploitation of natural resources and the exploitation of certain social groups anticipates the global environmental justice movement. 相似文献
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