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21.
This article examines the origin, development and controversies concerning the 'Manifesto of racial scientists', the document published in July 1938 that laid the foundations for the forthcoming racial policies of the Fascist regime. The article seeks to explain Mussolini's rationale for adopting a racial ideology in the first place, and for including within this ideology such diverse (and contradictory) concepts as the 'Nordic Aryan' racial identity of Italians; the 'purity and uniqueness' of the 'Italian' race; anti-Semitism; anti-Africanism; and a 'biological' definition of race. These concepts, in general alien to traditional Italian thought, provoked a backlash among some prominent Italian scientists and Fascists of such magnitude as to throw the entire program of racial propaganda in disarray for the remainder of the regime's existence. The article also highlights the career of Dr Guido Landra, the actual author of the Manifesto, and considers the extent to which his ideas influenced the text. Questo articolo esamina l'origine, lo sviluppo e le controversie relative al Manifesto degli Scientisti Razziali. Il documento fu pubblicato nel luglio del 1938 e fornì la base ideologica per i successivi programmi razziali del regime fascista. L'articolo tenta di illustrare il motivo principale per cui Mussolini adottÒ un'ideologia razziale e incluse in tale ideologia concetti diversi e contraddittori come l'identitÀ razziale "Ariano-Nordica" degli Italiani; l'eccezionalitÀ e la pureza della razza italiana; l'antisemitismo; l'anti-Africanismo; e una definizione biologica del concetto di razza. Questi principi, che in generale sono contrari agli ideali comuni italiani, provocarono un contraccolpo, in grande scala fra molti scientisti italiani di fede fascisti e portarono il programma di propaganda razziale a uno stato di confusione per il resto dell'esistenza del regime. L'articolo esamina anche la carriera del dottor Guido Landra, il vero autore del Manifesto, e considera fino a che punto le idee di Landra influenzarono il contenuto del testo.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

Many communities rely on tourism spending, so it is important to understand any potential changes to tourist flows resulting from changing climate and weather patterns. However, tourists are not a homogenous group, as they have different motivations, values, and goals. Therefore, the purpose of this investigation is to better understand potentially varying perceptions and behavior of different tourist types, specifically in regards to their weather sensitivity, climate change concern, and behavioral intention for climate change mitigation. Tourists were randomly surveyed at 20 locations throughout the state of Maine in the United States (n = 704). Segmentation analysis on the activities tourists participated in yielded three segments of Maine tourists: non-nature-based tourists (50.6%), nature-based generalists (16.2%), and nature-based specialists (33.2%). Differences across segments were explored for perceptions of weather impacts, climate change concern, and mitigation intent. Additionally, weather sensitivity was analyzed based on type of overnight accommodations to better understand if this also had a role in differences. Non-nature-based tourists thought that weather variables were less influential during their travels in Maine than the other segments, while nature-based generalists perceived weather to have the highest influence. Additionally, nature-based specialists had the highest level of climate change belief, while nature-based generalists had the highest willingness to engage in climate change mitigation behavior. Results are useful to understand how segments of tourism demand may be altered with a changing climate, such as increased temperatures, precipitation, and storms, and what groups may be the most beneficial to target for marketing or educational efforts to reduce the impact of climate change.  相似文献   
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This article uses a new data-set to calculate the ‘political economy’ or nature and purpose of taxation and spending in Jamaica between 1768 and 1839. It argues that these levels increased considerably, both in absolute terms and relative to the size of the population and economy of the island, and that the assembly raised taxes mainly to protect the white elite and the plantation economy against slave revolts and foreign invasion. Although the balance of spending shifted after Emancipation in 1834, the purpose did not, since military spending was simply redirected to subsidise policing and the cost of public order. Depending on how the national income or gross domestic product of the island is calculated, levels of taxation rose from 2 per cent in peacetime to about 4–6 per cent in wartime, peaking at 6–8 per cent in moments of crisis. White elites therefore made a significant contribution to the cost of their own defence, and to the wider projection of imperial power, and were willing to tolerate increasingly high levels of taxation because it was spent in ways that suited their interests. They thereby formed the colonial sinews of imperial power.  相似文献   
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One consequence of the expanding road network and its associated traffic is increased levels of traffic noise. While the hedonic literature has consistently found a negative relationship between real estate prices and noise levels, research in the United States has typically relied on crude measures of traffic noise. Here, we reduce the measurement error of traffic noise exposure through a detailed model of noise propagation over the landscape. We then estimate the hedonic relationship between noise and single family house prices using over 40,000 transactions throughout the St. Paul, Minnesota, urban area from 2005 to 2010. We implement spatially and temporally flexible local regression techniques and find significant nonstationarity in the hedonic function over time and space.  相似文献   
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Settler colonialism eliminates Indigenous sovereignty, enthrones itself, and thereby makes Indigenous land ‘ours’. It may do this meta-politically, by absorbing ‘them’ into ‘us’. This article explores three recent lawsuits brought by settlers against Indigenous demoi in US Pacific territories. I show that in each lawsuit, settlers brandished a novel ‘tool of elimination’: individual voting rights. I trace how settlers wielded this tool to deliver a ‘one-two punch’, first condemning as ‘illiberal’ restrictive voting laws flowing from Indigenous sovereignty and then championing race-neutral laws that would in effect enthrone settlers. I show that courts hearing these cases were faced with choosing the appropriate ‘framing of justice’ – with whether the relevant rights-bearer was the universal individual voter or the ‘constitutionally prior’ Indigenous demos. Finally, I show that, because the courts ultimately framed these disputes as individual-rights cases, settlers extended control of meta-politics on the US Pacific frontier.  相似文献   
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Since coming to power in 2006, Canada's government under Stephen Harper has worked to recalibrate federal regulatory, legislative and economic development frameworks as they overlap in the littoral zone of the environment. We argue that Harper's Conservative government is pursuing a totalizing strategy in reconfiguring the desired Canadian environmental subject. This strategy approaches an integrated design that eclipses the incremental strategic options most Canadian federal governments have understood themselves to be constrained by. This design's basic features include the discursive strategies employed to collapse “the environment” into a singular resource extraction paradigm, a programmatic concentration of power to the executive branch of the Canadian government, and a classical conservative ideology that associates environmental regulation and management with dominion over and improvement of national territory, to the exclusion of other frames and relations. We query the articulation of consent and certainty in relation to the environment and extractive economies in Canada.  相似文献   
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