Courtroom to Classroom: Justice Harlan's Lectures at George Washington University Law School

John Marshall Harlan had a singularly successful legal career as an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court that spanned thirty-three years, from 1877 to 1911, one of the longest terms in history. For twenty-one of those years on the Court he also distinguished himself as a professor of constitutional law at George Washington University. Along with his colleague on the Bench and on the faculty, Associate Justice David J. Brewer, Harlan carried a full course load, teaching just about every subject: evidence, torts, property law, corporation law, commercial law, international law, and his specialty, constitutional law.     

NUCLEAR MAGNETIC RESONANCE CHARACTERIZATION OF CRETACEOUS AMBER

Carbon-13 nuclear magnetic resonance spectra have been examined under high resolution conditions for 31 samples of fossil resin that have been dated to the Cretaceous period. Samples from Alaska, Canada, parts of the United States, Greenland, France, Switzerland, Lebanon, Jordan, and Israel have very similar spectra, consistent with a common, geographically dispersed palaeobotanical source. Samples within this large group exhibit a variation in spectral linewidth that is consistent with differences in sample age or maturity. A single Triassic sample from Bavaria shows the same spectral patterns but greater linewidths, indicating that it probably had a similar palaeobotanical source.     

THE DEVELOPMENT of NEOLITHIC and COPPER AGE SETTLEMENT IN the GREAT HUNGARIAN PLAIN PART I: the REGIONAL SETTING

Summary: This paper describes the development of settlement over the period 6000-4000 BC in part of central Europe. It contrasts the patterns of initial agrarian occupation with the subsequent expansion of population in the eastern part of the Carpathian Basin. This area is of particular interest, both as a major focus of prehistoric settlement, and because it is possible to compare the results of recent local surveys with a well documented series of regional distributions.     

An Irish Conservative Perspective on the Defence of the Church of Ireland, 1865–1868

This article provides an analysis of the range of arguments used by senior members of the Irish Conservative party to defend the Established Church of Ireland from 1865 to 1868. The position of the Anglican Church in Ireland came under increasing threat following the death of Lord Palmerston, the British Prime Minister and the leader of the British Liberal party, in October 1865. Throughout his career, Palmerston, who had close connections to Ireland, had been a staunch defender of the privileges of the Church of Ireland. The first section of this article looks at the historical context in which this attack on its privileged position in Ireland arose. The second part traces some of the key arguments which leading members of the Irish Conservative party used in their defence of the Established Church. The final part of the paper considers some of the divisions which existed within the Conservative party, both in Britain and in Ireland, on the question of the future status of the Church of Ireland and at the effects that these divisions had in weakening its case against it.     

‘The Cow is Still the Most Important Figure in Indian Politics!’: Religion,Imperial Culture and the Shaping of Indian Political Reform in the 1930s

This essay assesses the impact of imperial culture, particularly constructions of India and hinduism, on British responses to the Indian nationalist movement in the 1930s. The essay draws on personal and governmental papers, paying special attention to the language and vocabulary employed by British policy makers concerned with Indian affairs. The major issue addressed here is the British presumption that the 1935 Government of India Act, a plan for a federated India with British central control, would defuse nationalist agitation. Such a sanguine view of this proposal seemed misplaced, given the popular success of the nationalists, especially Gandhi, and given the explicit demands of Indians for full self‐government. However, such an optimistic assessment drew on presumptions about Indian political and social behaviour, and especially on conceptions of hinduism. Policy makers in Britain and India argued along well‐established lines, that hinduism inculcated moral and physical weakness, among other deficiencies, and that a British offer of compromise would attract many Indians who feared continuing confrontation with the Raj. Moreover, colonial advisors relied on a belief that social and caste divisions within hinduism would recur within the nationalist ranks as well. This sense that Indians would respond to half‐measures of reform persisted until the 1937 provincial elections. Though British administrators predicted only a moderate showing by the Indian National Congress, the polling proved otherwise, as Congress took power in the majority of the provinces. The Raj lasted another decade, but the confident cultural assumptions sustaining it took a fatal blow.