井里汶海底十世纪沉船打捞纪实

PT.Paradigma Putra sejahtera(简称PT.PPS)成立于2001年,业务以打捞沉船为主。公司创始人Adi Agung Tirtamarta先生和Priyo Saryanto Brodjonegoro先生。Adi Agung Tirtamarta先生是一位艺术品收藏家(古陶瓷、古画和古代家具),Priyo S Brodjonegoro先生也是一位艺术品收藏家(古代家具和爪哇刀—波型刀)。     

sification method is presented f

e feature vectors which allow to recognize objects in the degraded scene without any restoration.A radial basis probabilistic neural network(RBPNN) is designed with recursive orthogonal least algorithm(ROLSA) and applied to the classific     

梅花拳的复兴与华北乡村的群体认同

自明末至今,山东、河南及河北交界地带的梅花拳从数个朝代的更替和社会运动中存留下来,并在当下城镇化背景中得以复兴。其动力在于它整合了多种民俗文化要素,满足了不同人群的社会交往和精神生活需求,弥补了因城镇化的极速发展而带来的乡村社会民众认同感的缺失。     

蒙古：给牧民自然资源使用权

在蒙古,由于从中央集权的计划经济时代过渡到自由市场模式,可持续利用草原资源的传统模式被打破了。当地政府制定了经济发展计划,包括集约化畜牧生产系统和大规模农作物种植的农业,这无疑会破坏草原上脆弱的生态平衡,干扰牧民和野生动物的生活。     

克拉斯基诺古城遗址和滨海地区渤海的考古学研究

正在最近15年内,几乎每年都在克拉斯基诺古城遗址上进行发掘。这处遗址成了研究滨海地区渤海时期的主要遗址。在这项工作中,我们主要分析研究了克拉斯基诺古城遗址的主要发掘考察成果以及它们对研究滨海地区渤海考古学的意义,还有进一步工作的展望。克拉斯基诺古城遗址位于滨海边疆区哈桑区的克拉斯基诺镇以南2公里,地处楚卡诺夫     

扫平执政障碍 金正恩的四张王牌

12月9日朝鲜宣布张成泽落马的消息之后,对张成泽命运如何的猜测沸沸扬扬。短短4天之后的12月13日,朝鲜就给出了答案——张成泽前一天已经因从事颠覆国家阴谋活动,被国家安全保卫部特别军事法庭判处并执行死刑。朝中社发布的判决书中,称张成泽为"千古逆贼"、"人间渣滓"。随着张成泽被处决的消息传出,有关朝鲜的流言四起。其中最引人瞩目的就是韩国媒体不久前披露"朝鲜两名副总理前往中国寻求避难",以及金正恩的姑姑金敬姬迟早会受牵连。但这次,     

前剂量热释光测定年代方法

分析了三种测量方法──多次激活、加剂量法和钉子技术的优缺点,并对细粒石英前剂量方法进行了专门研究。结果表明,细粒五英前剂量方法测量简便,减少了来自多次激活、试验剂量和归一引起的误差,最小可测年龄能达到几十年。     

党员干部直接联系群众的实践探讨

坚持走群众路线,坚持从群众中来到群众中去,这是我党长久以来保持的优良作风和政治优势,也是我党治国执政的基本原则。人民群众是我党力量的源泉,从中国共产党建立到新中国建立,再到改革开放,我党始终坚持走群众路线。但是走群众路线并不是说到就能做到的,这是一项长期的任务,所以就要求我党政机关干部,要时刻牢记群众性原则。     

Chinese Secret Societies and Popular Religions Revisited: An Introduction

It has been over forty years since Jean Chesneaux published his edited volume Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China,and some twenty years since David Ownby and Mary Somers Heidhues published their edited volume Secret Societies Reconsidered.     

The Qing,the Manchus,and Footbinding: Sources and Assumptions under Scrutiny

Two sets of assumptions surrounding the Manchus and footbinding have crept into the historiography of the Qing period. A first set of assumptions claims that the Manchus attempted to ban footbinding among civilian Han on repeated occasions after the conquest but failed due to women’s resistance. Moreover, Qing attempts to ban footbinding made binding into a politically charged ethnic marker that embodied for Han anti-Manchu and anti-Qing sentiments and caused the bans to backfire and footbinding to spread further. A second set of assumptions claims that the overwhelming cultural allure and popularity of footbinding proved irresistible to banner women, who, thwarted by banner regulations forbidding the practice, covertly imitated footbinding by wearing platform shoes that hid natural feet and created an illusion of smallness. This paper scrutinizes the evidence put forward by Qing historians for the first of these two sets of assumptions. The claims are found to be unsubstantiated and evidence is offered that contradicts them. I argue that the weight of evidence shows that there was no prohibition on footbinding imposed in 1645 or at any time during the Manchu conquest, and that a 1664 proposal to ban footbinding was withdrawn before it could be implemented, for reasons misunderstood by historians of footbinding. Therefore there could have been no “resistance” by Han women or men to a ban on footbinding, and claims that footbinding became a politically charged ethnic marker of anti-Qing sentiment in the seventeenth century are groundless. With regard to the second set of assumptions, I provide evidence in a separate paper to be published elsewhere that banner women had distinctive roles and fashions uninfluenced by the culture of footbinding, and that in Beijing and the Northeast Manchu styles were emulated by Han, not vice versa.