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101.
分析了三种测量方法──多次激活、加剂量法和钉子技术的优缺点,并对细粒石英前剂量方法进行了专门研究。结果表明,细粒五英前剂量方法测量简便,减少了来自多次激活、试验剂量和归一引起的误差,最小可测年龄能达到几十年。 相似文献
102.
坚持走群众路线,坚持从群众中来到群众中去,这是我党长久以来保持的优良作风和政治优势,也是我党治国执政的基本原则。人民群众是我党力量的源泉,从中国共产党建立到新中国建立,再到改革开放,我党始终坚持走群众路线。但是走群众路线并不是说到就能做到的,这是一项长期的任务,所以就要求我党政机关干部,要时刻牢记群众性原则。 相似文献
103.
It has been over forty years since Jean Chesneaux published his edited volume Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China,and some twenty years since David Ownby and Mary Somers Heidhues published their edited volume Secret Societies Reconsidered. 相似文献
104.
John R. Shepherd 《Frontiers of History in China》2016,11(2):279-322
Two sets of assumptions surrounding the Manchus and footbinding have crept into the historiography of the Qing period. A first set of assumptions claims that the Manchus attempted to ban footbinding among civilian Han on repeated occasions after the conquest but failed due to women’s resistance. Moreover, Qing attempts to ban footbinding made binding into a politically charged ethnic marker that embodied for Han anti-Manchu and anti-Qing sentiments and caused the bans to backfire and footbinding to spread further. A second set of assumptions claims that the overwhelming cultural allure and popularity of footbinding proved irresistible to banner women, who, thwarted by banner regulations forbidding the practice, covertly imitated footbinding by wearing platform shoes that hid natural feet and created an illusion of smallness. This paper scrutinizes the evidence put forward by Qing historians for the first of these two sets of assumptions. The claims are found to be unsubstantiated and evidence is offered that contradicts them. I argue that the weight of evidence shows that there was no prohibition on footbinding imposed in 1645 or at any time during the Manchu conquest, and that a 1664 proposal to ban footbinding was withdrawn before it could be implemented, for reasons misunderstood by historians of footbinding. Therefore there could have been no “resistance” by Han women or men to a ban on footbinding, and claims that footbinding became a politically charged ethnic marker of anti-Qing sentiment in the seventeenth century are groundless. With regard to the second set of assumptions, I provide evidence in a separate paper to be published elsewhere that banner women had distinctive roles and fashions uninfluenced by the culture of footbinding, and that in Beijing and the Northeast Manchu styles were emulated by Han, not vice versa. 相似文献
105.
This article presents a rare inside view of a unique project currently underway in China to study and preserve the memory of possibly the single most seminal event in Chinese modern history, the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-45). The article introduces a multi-faceted program to preserve the wartime cultural heritage; the work is ongoing in the thriving western metropolis of Chongqing, once China's bomb-torn wartime capital and international Allied command center. It describes how, seven decades after World War II, scholars, cultural workers, government experts, and artists in China are joining hands in an unprecedented, all-encompassing project to record, restore, and recount the extraordinary legacy of China's War of Resistance in its local, as well as national and global contexts. 相似文献
106.
William T. Rowe 《Frontiers of History in China》2014,9(1):1-31
Known primarily for his reformist proposals in the areas of military affairs, foreign policy, the salt monopoly, and the grain tribute system, the influential early nineteenth-century literatus Bao Shichen 包世臣 (1775–1855) also made throughout his life numerous suggestions regarding the improvement of agricultural practice and of rural life. Contrary to the arguments of his older contemporary Hong Liangji that the empire was facing an imminent demographic and provisioning crisis, Bao argued that there was ample possibility for increasing crop yields, and improving popular livelihoods, if a more rational approach was taken to cropping decisions, farm labor allocation, agricultural commercialization, and local-level social organization. Bao was fond of quantification, and, far more than Hong, employed statistical analysis (albeit crude) to bolster his arguments. Fundamentally committed to increasing the power and wealth of the imperial state in the face of threats both foreign and domestic, Bao was highly optimistic that this could be achieved simultaneously with fulfilling his other basic commitment, relieving what he saw as widespread popular immiseration. 相似文献
107.
Lori R. Meeks 《Frontiers of History in China》2013,8(4):624-629
This PhD thesis deals with the infamous plundering of the Imperial garden Yuanmingyuan in the wake of the British-French capture expedition of 1860. The approach and the strategies of the British and French actors involved are described from a micro-perspective. In the nineteenth century, plundering took center stage in a number of actions by colonial armies worldwide, as discussed by the author, Ines Eben v. Racknitz. 相似文献
108.
Miriam L. Levering 《Frontiers of History in China》2013,8(3):342
Song-dynasty Chan depended for its place in society and its financial resources on lay patrons. Educated gentleman-officials (shidafu) were the wealthiest and most powerful of men. From the time of Dahui Zonggao in the Southern Song, Linji teachers shifted from elaborate comments on gongan in periodic sermons to a new method of gongan inspection termed “critical phrase” (kan huatou). Scholars have argued that Dahui’s invention of huatou practice was primarily related to internal Chan rivalries for elite patrons. I argue that Dahui’s motive was also connected to a rivalry with Pure Land Buddhism over the making of appeals to lay followers among scholar-officials. Dahui was aware and tried to communicate the usefulness of huatou in addressing the elite laity’s doubts about birth and death, and in particular their anxieties about facing the decisive moment of death. Therefore, he developed a gongan discourse that is related to anticipation of dying by harnessing the power of doubt to create an experience of spiritual awakening. 相似文献
109.
各个宗教纷纷都基于今天我们不得详知的考虑,把自己神谱中的至尊神祗都安排到这座并不宽阔的山上,也许今天在我们看来,会稍显拥挤。不过,既然“全体天使能够在一个针尖上舞蹈”,在不可思议的神话地理中,这座山巅上也许存在着一个肉眼所不能见的托勒密式的多重天国。至少有四种重要的亚洲宗教,视冈仁波齐为至关重要之地。 相似文献
110.