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91.
e feature vectors which allow to recognize objects in the degraded scene without any restoration.A radial basis probabilistic neural network(RBPNN) is designed with recursive orthogonal least algorithm(ROLSA) and applied to the classific 相似文献
92.
自明末至今,山东、河南及河北交界地带的梅花拳从数个朝代的更替和社会运动中存留下来,并在当下城镇化背景中得以复兴。其动力在于它整合了多种民俗文化要素,满足了不同人群的社会交往和精神生活需求,弥补了因城镇化的极速发展而带来的乡村社会民众认同感的缺失。 相似文献
93.
在蒙古,由于从中央集权的计划经济时代过渡到自由市场模式,可持续利用草原资源的传统模式被打破了。当地政府制定了经济发展计划,包括集约化畜牧生产系统和大规模农作物种植的农业,这无疑会破坏草原上脆弱的生态平衡,干扰牧民和野生动物的生活。 相似文献
94.
95.
分析了三种测量方法──多次激活、加剂量法和钉子技术的优缺点,并对细粒石英前剂量方法进行了专门研究。结果表明,细粒五英前剂量方法测量简便,减少了来自多次激活、试验剂量和归一引起的误差,最小可测年龄能达到几十年。 相似文献
96.
坚持走群众路线,坚持从群众中来到群众中去,这是我党长久以来保持的优良作风和政治优势,也是我党治国执政的基本原则。人民群众是我党力量的源泉,从中国共产党建立到新中国建立,再到改革开放,我党始终坚持走群众路线。但是走群众路线并不是说到就能做到的,这是一项长期的任务,所以就要求我党政机关干部,要时刻牢记群众性原则。 相似文献
97.
It has been over forty years since Jean Chesneaux published his edited volume Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China,and some twenty years since David Ownby and Mary Somers Heidhues published their edited volume Secret Societies Reconsidered. 相似文献
98.
John R. Shepherd 《Frontiers of History in China》2016,11(2):279-322
Two sets of assumptions surrounding the Manchus and footbinding have crept into the historiography of the Qing period. A first set of assumptions claims that the Manchus attempted to ban footbinding among civilian Han on repeated occasions after the conquest but failed due to women’s resistance. Moreover, Qing attempts to ban footbinding made binding into a politically charged ethnic marker that embodied for Han anti-Manchu and anti-Qing sentiments and caused the bans to backfire and footbinding to spread further. A second set of assumptions claims that the overwhelming cultural allure and popularity of footbinding proved irresistible to banner women, who, thwarted by banner regulations forbidding the practice, covertly imitated footbinding by wearing platform shoes that hid natural feet and created an illusion of smallness. This paper scrutinizes the evidence put forward by Qing historians for the first of these two sets of assumptions. The claims are found to be unsubstantiated and evidence is offered that contradicts them. I argue that the weight of evidence shows that there was no prohibition on footbinding imposed in 1645 or at any time during the Manchu conquest, and that a 1664 proposal to ban footbinding was withdrawn before it could be implemented, for reasons misunderstood by historians of footbinding. Therefore there could have been no “resistance” by Han women or men to a ban on footbinding, and claims that footbinding became a politically charged ethnic marker of anti-Qing sentiment in the seventeenth century are groundless. With regard to the second set of assumptions, I provide evidence in a separate paper to be published elsewhere that banner women had distinctive roles and fashions uninfluenced by the culture of footbinding, and that in Beijing and the Northeast Manchu styles were emulated by Han, not vice versa. 相似文献
99.
This article presents a rare inside view of a unique project currently underway in China to study and preserve the memory of possibly the single most seminal event in Chinese modern history, the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-45). The article introduces a multi-faceted program to preserve the wartime cultural heritage; the work is ongoing in the thriving western metropolis of Chongqing, once China's bomb-torn wartime capital and international Allied command center. It describes how, seven decades after World War II, scholars, cultural workers, government experts, and artists in China are joining hands in an unprecedented, all-encompassing project to record, restore, and recount the extraordinary legacy of China's War of Resistance in its local, as well as national and global contexts. 相似文献
100.
William T. Rowe 《Frontiers of History in China》2014,9(1):1-31
Known primarily for his reformist proposals in the areas of military affairs, foreign policy, the salt monopoly, and the grain tribute system, the influential early nineteenth-century literatus Bao Shichen 包世臣 (1775–1855) also made throughout his life numerous suggestions regarding the improvement of agricultural practice and of rural life. Contrary to the arguments of his older contemporary Hong Liangji that the empire was facing an imminent demographic and provisioning crisis, Bao argued that there was ample possibility for increasing crop yields, and improving popular livelihoods, if a more rational approach was taken to cropping decisions, farm labor allocation, agricultural commercialization, and local-level social organization. Bao was fond of quantification, and, far more than Hong, employed statistical analysis (albeit crude) to bolster his arguments. Fundamentally committed to increasing the power and wealth of the imperial state in the face of threats both foreign and domestic, Bao was highly optimistic that this could be achieved simultaneously with fulfilling his other basic commitment, relieving what he saw as widespread popular immiseration. 相似文献