FLORENTINE CIVIC HUMANISM AND THE EMERGENCE OF MODERN IDEOLOGY

This article revisits the question of the modernity of the Renaissance by examining the political language of Florentine civic humanism and by critically analyzing the debate over Hans Baron's interpretation of the movement. It engages two debates that are usually conducted separately: one concerning the originality of civic humanism in comparison to medieval thought, and the other concerning the political and social function of the civic humanists' political republicanism in fifteenth‐century Florence. The article's main contention is that humanist political discourse rejected the perception of social and political reality as being part of, or reflecting, a metaphysical and divine order or things, and thus undermined the traditional justifications for political hierarchies and power relations. This created the conditions of possibility for the distinctively modern aspiration for a social and political order based on liberty and equality. It also resulted in the birth of a distinctively modern form of ideology, one that legitimizes the social order by disguising its inequalities and structures of domination. Humanism, like modern political thought generally, thus simultaneously constructs and reflects the dialectic of emancipation and domination so central to modernity itself.     

CORPORATE IDEOLOGY AND THE POLITICS OF ENTREPRENEURISM IN NEW ORLEANS

In this article, Louis F. Miron presents a case study of the effects of local ideology and culture on corporate-lead progrowth movements in New Orleans. Miron borrows from critical theory to illustrate how "hegemonic" ideologies such as economic growth may be resisted in local settings. The findings suggest that economic structural relations do not predetermine the course of human agency, and that the success of progrowth movements is contingent upon local cultural conditions and ethos. Through a document analysis of "fiscal reform," a pro-growth ideology advanced by corporate and political elites in New Orleans and throughout Louisiana, the author probes the connections among material conditions, ideology, and the politics of entrepreneurism.     

THE EMERGENCE OF WANAX IDEOLOGY IN THE MYCENAEAN PALACES

Summary. The following approach tries, as far as the Greek mainland is concerned, to discuss the prominent position of the wanax from the archaeological record in Mycenaean palaces, in the burial grounds and in the Linear B tablets. Multivariate analysis and explanatory methods related to repeated patterns reveal different stages in the Mycenaean ideological setting from the LH III A 1 period onwards, despite its roots in earlier stages of Mycenaean civilization. The complex and more sophisticated social position of the wanax points to historical implications associated with the rise of the centralized Mycenaean kingdoms.     

城市人口地图编制指导思想、原则及指标体系

城市人口地图是以城市为基本制图单元的人口地图。编制城市人口地图应遵循以下指导思想:城市是国家经济力量的主体.是独特的经济地域;城市是国家高知识密集地区和精神文明的重要载体;城市对提高人口文化素质具有重要战略意义。城市人口地图的编制原则为以下几方面:科学性、实用性与艺术性相结合;提高地图容量,增加载负量,突出差别;疏密适中,取舍有度;图面的配置合理,色彩协调;精益求精、一丝不苟。城市人口地图编制中应建立科学的指标体系。     

HEGEL AND PATHOLOGIZED MODERNITY,OR THE END OF SPIRIT IN THE ANTHROPOCENE

This article has two broad concerns, both of which are pursued primarily with reference to Hegel's philosophy of history. First, it examines whether Hegel can help explain the difficulty we have in modernity in responding to climate change and ecological crisis. It argues that Hegel provides a useful analysis of this problem, since the model of self‐determination that he appeals to is comprehensively embedded in embodied forms of culture. This helps explain why even a self‐correcting worldview like modernity is obdurate in the face of this crisis. Second, Hegel claims that the defining attribute of spirit is its capacity for self‐production. Modernity is characterized by the emerging and widespread knowledge that spirit is self‐producing. Modernity develops institutions that facilitate and provide an objective reality for spirit's self‐production and its freedom. This aspect of the article examines whether the distinctive capacity of spirit for self‐determination, which is realized in modernity, is subject to the same atrophying conditions by which Hegel says all other historical shapes of spirit are characterized. It asks if the present ecological crisis, something that is directly attributable to spirit itself, represents the limits of self‐producing spirit. The article concludes by examining the difficult position of those countries that cannot be considered to be responsible for the emergence of the Anthropocene but whose actions in the present will amplify its impact.     

一路探戈到南极

几只傻乎乎的企鹅居然朝我走过来,但根据《南极条约》我只能选择退让,保持着“礼貌”的拜访距离。于是,你退我进,你进我退,外来者和“本地绅士”跳起南极探戈,虽然彼．此之间距离不够亲密,但对于来自南北半球最遥远距离的宾主双方来说,这已经是最“热情”的探戈了。     

NORTH AND SOUTH AT THE END OF THE MYCENAEAN AGE: ASPECTS OF AN OLD PROBLEM

Summary. The end of the Mycenaean age calls for an explanation outside the immediate Aegean area. The evidence is more likely to come from changes in habit than in the importation of objects of bronze or pottery. In order to understand events it is necessary to look beyond Greek frontiers to the Danube and Balkans. Among important changes are those in fighting tactics with a return to the sword in the Aegean and new workshop practice in Europe with more bronze forging against casting. Evidence for actual arrival of people is never likely to be conclusive; various alternatives are considered.     

RURAL AND REGIONAL RESTRUCTURING OF APARTHEID: IDEOLOGY, DEVELOPMENT POLICY AND THE COMPETITION FOR SPACE

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IDEOLOGY AND URBAN LANDSCAPES: CONCEPTIONS OF THE MARKET IN PORTLAND,MAINE*

This paper concerns the role of ideology in the operation of urban land and housing markets. We argue that existing work in this area tends to be overly abstract and to reify ideology. To correct this, we advocate examining understandings of particular land and housing markets. We focus on Portland, Maine, and analyze discourses on the uneven costs of social development, inner-city redevelopment, a recent decline in the regional economy and Portland's place in that economy. Traditional pro-market interpretations dominate, but we also identify more politicized understandings - many of which are also pro-market. They are applied very selectively, for example to explain a crisis but not a boom. We conclude that politicized conceptions of market operations are not necessarily radical and may in fact be crucial to the survival of capitalism.     

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