恭王府的亭台楼阁

<正>恭王府是中国现存唯一保存完整的清代王府。府主人中有两位曾声名显赫,权倾一时:一位是乾隆皇帝的宠臣和珅(1776—1799年入住);另一位是咸丰皇帝的六弟恭亲王奕(1852—1898年入住),恭王府也因此得名至今。恭王府由府邸和花园两部分组成,总占地面积6万余平方米。1982年被国务院列为全国重点文物保护单位;2012年被国家旅游局评定为国家5A级旅游景区。恭王府积淀着历史的年轮,蕴涵着清代王府文化的精深与浩瀚。"一座恭王府,半部清朝史",便是其真实写照。恭王府因而被誉为京城历史、文化、旅游皇冠上的一颗璀璨明珠。     

Labour's Strategic Defence Review

Labour’s Strategic Defence Review claims to be ‘radical’, leading ‘to a fundamental reshaping of British forces’ while being ‘firmly ground in foreign policy’. Five questions are discussed: 1) Is labour’s defence policy different from that of its Conservative predecessors? 2) Has foreign policy ‘led’ defence policy? 3) How open was the review process and to what extent has Labour succeeded in creating a new consensus on defence policy? 4) Has the SDR successfully addressed the problem of overstretch? 5) Does it provide the ‘modern, effective and affordable armed forces which meet today’s challenges but are also flexible enough to adapt to change’, as it claims? This article argues that on the first two questions the answer is a qualified ‘yes’; that on the third, the process was more open than ever before but that it is difficult to identify specific decisions influence by more open debate; that on the fourth, Labour has attempted a balancing act which may be vulnerable, not least to changes in the economy; and that on the last question, Labour has succeeded in shifting the focus of the armed services towards power projection capabilities as required by their foreign policy baseline.     

Strategic Essentialism and Vatican Policy

Abstract

Just as women's NGOs around the world use essentialism strategically—calling upon their assigned roles as mothers to create change for their children that they might not feel empowered to create for themselves—the most recent Vatican policy holds on to the remnants of essentialism as a policy for protecting exclusive male access to ordination, and therefore power in the church. Previously, essentialism had protected male superiority in existence, social roles, the family, and the church, but one by one, all of these have been conceded except male superiority in the church. The paper further proposes that the traditional male role, of which the church has been a principal support, has in fact now become detrimental to males.     

A Strategic Approach to Multistakeholder Negotiations

Environment and development practitioners increasingly are interested in identifying methods, institutional arrangements and policy environments that promote negotiations among natural resource stakeholders leading to collective action and, it is hoped, sustainable resource management. Yet the implications of negotiations for disadvantaged groups of people are seldom critically examined. We draw attention to such implications by examining different theoretical foundations for multistakeholder negotiations and linking these to practical problems for disadvantaged groups. We argue that negotiations based on an unhealthy combination of communicative rationality and liberal pluralism, which underplays or seeks to neutralize differences among stakeholders, poses considerable risks for disadvantaged groups. We suggest that negotiations influenced by radical pluralist and feminist post‐structuralist thought, which emphasize strategic behaviour and selective alliance‐building, promise better outcomes for disadvantaged groups in most cases, particularly on the scale and in the historical contexts in which negotiations over forest management usually take place.     

Strategic Reassertion in Russia's Central Asia Policy

President Putin has presided over a proactive, hard-headed and relatively effective Russian policy in Central Asia and the Caspian region since at least the summer of 2002, which aims both to support Russia's revival as an economic and military power and to help tackle at source new security challenges from the volatile south. In line with rising domestic nationalist thinking and the growing influence of officials with a security service or military background, Moscow has been searching for a rationale to support a more assertive policy in the region. Meanwhile, Russian and American views on the scope and conduct of the war on terrorism have diverged in important respects. Russia lacks an overall regional strategy for Central Asia, but is seeking to mesh together geopolitical, security and energy policy goals. It is seeking to reinvigorate its military–security influence in Central Asia under the banner of counterterrorism and at the same time has achieved long-term agreements for energy transit and purchases that make Central Asian states increasingly dependent on Russia in energy policy. Overall, a dynamic of competition is displacing the potential for cooperation between Russia and western states, especially the United States, in Central Asia. The prospects for a fully-fledged strategic partnership in the region are fading but the reality of security threats from Afghanistan and within Central Asia might eventually reconcile Moscow to a lower profile but long-term western strategic presence in the region.     

中苏同盟与战略利益的选择

中苏同盟是战后雅尔塔格局的产物 ,同时又对这一格局的发展产生了重要影响。中苏同盟的演变反映了战后国际关系的深刻变化 ,其实质则是中苏在战略利益上的选择。本文从战后国际格局和国家利益的角度 ,对中苏在结盟中的战略利益选择问题作了分析     

热战、冷战、冷和:美国全球扩张的战略反思

发展与扩张是美国国策的一条主线。“热战”、“冷战”与“冷和”则是美国基于国内经济与社会发展而对全球扩张的依序相循的三段路径。反法西斯战争是全世界人民的胜利,美国却是世界胜局的最大受益。二次战后初期以来,美国挑起“冷战”,以“经济分流”与“民主工程”令苏联解体,使自身处于一超独大的世界之位。在“冷和”条件下,美国对发展中国家推进“改造工程”,则是其对全球扩张的新目标。三内生互动的解读,有益于人们的深度战略反思。     

中日环境合作的战略互惠性

经过2006年10月以来中日两国领导人的数度互访,努力构筑“基于共同战略利益的互惠关系”（简称“战略互惠关系”）成为新世纪双边关系的基本框架。环境合作是双方首脑共同确认的“战略互惠关系”的重要内涵,更被各界冀望于成为提升和深化双边关系的突破口。从环境问题的全球性发展、中日双边关系的转型以及环境合作对于今后中日双边关系的重要性等角度来看,中日环境合作所具备的战略互惠性决定了这一领域必然成为未来较长一段时期两国关系的突出“亮点”。     

SPARK: Strategic Planning Approach for Resilience Keeping

In a world in growing turbulence, complexity and uncertainty, where crisis is becoming the norm rather than the exception, resilience is increasingly seen as a critical feature that reflects the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and reorganize without collapsing. Resilient systems are more adaptable to change, are more able to learn and are less vulnerable to disturbance and external shocks (e.g. natural phenomena, economic crises or political shifts). The resilience theories are re-emerging as a field of research and practice with application to socio-ecological systems, fostering new insights in the discussions about sustainable development. The main purpose of this paper is to explore resilience as a concept and as a framework for promoting more sustainable trajectories, highlighting its potentialities and advantages for policy and planning processes. SPARK, or the strategic planning approach for resilience keeping is introduced in the paper as a new sustainability framework, following key underlying concepts and seven key principles that capture the essence of resilience theories. The paper advances a methodological concept proposal for resilience assessment and planning that aims to contribute to linking theory and practice, performing knowledge brokerage and enhancing policy learning.     

Coordinated Strategic Voting in the 2008 Federal Election

Citizenship and Immigration Canada's new citizenship guide, Discover Canada, received significant coverage in the national media and among popular bloggers when it was released in late 2009. Among the more controversial responses were allegations that the guide served a partisan political purpose. It was “an incremental step in the rebranding of Canada into a conservative country, full of people more inclined to vote Conservative.” This paper investigates the veracity of this claim by documenting the historical evolution of Canada's citizenship guides. It finds that while Discover Canada departs notably from its immediate, Liberal-sponsored, predecessors, it is not so different from the initial documentation produced under the Liberal governments of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. To suggest that the new guide has fundamentally altered the national image is therefore a profound exaggeration.     

The Strategic Significance of Workforce Diversity in Museums

This paper considers increasing international interest, both academic and professional, in the implications and strategic significance of workforce diversity. Drawing on research that has been undertaken principally within the field of human resource management, as well as the experiences of museum sectors internationally, the paper explores the rationale behind, and potential efficacy of, recent initiatives to enhance cultural diversity within the UK museum sector through an approach characterised by the use of positive or affirmative action. It is argued that workforce diversity will become increasingly important to the sector as, in response to changing socio-political agendas, museums are required to assume new roles as agents of social inclusion. The paper concludes by broadening the concept of ?diversity management' (which has emerged from the field of human resource management) to take account of the museum's unique goals and functions and presents a conceptual framework within which the dynamic interrelationships between diversity within a museum's workforce, audiences and programmes can be considered.     

NATO's evolving purposes and the next Strategic Concept

Is there a conflict between the Alliance's original and enduring purpose of collective defence and its post‐Cold War crisis management functions? This is an ill‐framed debate, because the home base must be secure in order to support expeditionary power projection. The allies have, moreover, moved away from a static, reactive, and territorial concept of collective defence towards a more ‘proactive’ and ‘anticipatory’ approach. Some experts have even referred to a ‘deterritorialization’ of collective defence. Other issues also illustrate the changing dimensions of collective defence—missile defence, cyber warfare, space operations, the risk of state‐sponsored terrorism involving weapons of mass destruction, political–military dynamics in the Middle East and the Asia–Pacific region, and the risk of a non‐Article 5 operation becoming a collective defence contingency. Despite disagreements on how to pursue shared goals, the allies may yet demonstrate that they have the vision and political will to meet the new challenges. The question of the Alliance's ‘level of ambition’ in capabilities is inseparable from that of its agreed purposes and burden‐sharing to achieve them.     

世界文化遗产保护事业的战略转型

世界文化遗产保护绝对不仅只是为了以赚钱为目的的旅游或娱乐,而是对历史记忆的学习重温,是国民素质教育的重要内容。文化遗产涉及国家的文化身份认同,从社会学的意义上说,它们被视同为共有的信仰和情感,是维持社会秩序的文化角色和身份,是国家或城市的核心情感和象征。     

中俄战略协作伙伴关系的历史

中俄睦邻友好有着悠久的历史,其间也经历了风风雨雨,而2001年两国签署的《中俄睦邻友好合作条约》为两国关系的进一步发展奠定了法律基础。中俄两国的战略协作关系体现在许多方面,如建立多层次的对话机制,继续扩大两国公众之间的相互理解,加强文化、经贸交流等。中俄战略协作伙伴关系的保持和深化给两国的社会科学工作者提出了一些非常重要的任务,如加强与传媒的合作,促使两国彼此形成一种客观、友善和相互尊重的态度和看法;在解决两国研究中存在的分歧时,要立足于两国的睦邻友好合作关系;在研究两国过去的一些局部冲突问题时,应坚持历史的立场,不能把今天的评判标准用于对过去历史事件的评价,更不能在评论事件时从今天的认识出发做道德判断等。     

Strategic taboos: chemical weapons and US foreign policy

This article examines US President Barack Obama's foreign policy rhetoric on Syria, specifically in relation to the threat of chemical weapons and the prohibitionary taboo surrounding their use. It contends that Obama's rhetorical construction of the taboo is not simply a commitment to the control of these horrific weapons (where such arms have been comprehended as so extensively vile as to preclude their employment), but that this also represents the strategic linguistic exploitation of these normative ideals in order to directly shape policy. By analysing of presidential speeches made during the conflict, it demonstrates that Obama has manipulated pre‐existing conceptions of chemical weapons as taboo, and also as forms of weapons of mass destruction, to deliberately construct policy in line with his own political ambitions—most notably as a way of forcing a multilateral solution to the situation in Syria. This article challenges existing perceptions of the chemical weapons taboo as an inherently normative constraint, arguing that this instead comprises a more agency‐driven construct. Static notions of the taboo must be abandoned and subsequently replaced with a framework of understanding that recognizes how the taboo can be used as a deliberate driver of foreign policy.     

山南道在唐代政权安全体系中的战略地位

借鉴历史经验,李唐皇室自唐初就形成了以关中、巴蜀、荆襄三地为战略核心地带以保障政权安全的地缘安全体系。山南道所领秦巴山地、荆襄地区,既是核心地带之一,又是关中的南部门户及巴蜀的前大门,在安全体系中具有重要的战略地位。为了掌控山南地区,唐皇室从辖区设置、兵力配置等方面采取了相应的安全保障措施。唐后期,因总体农业自然生态环境的恶化、关中基本经济区战略地位的丧失,山南道的战略地位亦逐渐丧失。