The makers of British towns: architects, builders and property owners, c.1850–1939

This paper examines the individuals and bodies engaged in the development of British towns and cities between the mid-nineteenth century and the mid-twentieth century. Particular attention is given to the supplanting of local owners, architects and builders by external firms and the extent to which activity was concentrated among fewer firms over time. Previous findings are re-examined and synthesized, and the results of new research are presented. A major source of information is building applications submitted to local authorities. The most important changes took place in the two decades following the First World War. Having had a major role in the nineteenth century, especially as providers of capital, private individuals ceased to have a significant place in urban development by the 1930s, other than in their role as owner-occupiers and owners of potential development land. Responsibility for the establishment of institutional sites rested with a variety of individuals and organizations in the nineteenth century, but became much more concentrated in the hands of local authorities in the inter-war period. Significant numbers of non-local architects were engaged in the design of public buildings as early as the middle of the nineteenth century, but building work of all kinds was still being undertaken almost entirely by local builders even in the 1930s. The large-scale introduction of non-local architects in the inter-war years was related to the influx of non-local owners. On the whole, local influences declined sooner in towns close to major cities.     

Castles,castellans and the structure of politics in Poitou, 1152– 1271

By the middle of the twelfth century Poitou had been divided into small units of local control, known as castellanies. A castellany was the territory surrounding a castle; within it the castellan exercised military, judicial and economic powers. Between 1152 and 1271 the control of castles in Poitou experienced a development of three stages, moving from single-castellany holdings by the province's fifty leading families via regional lordships pieced together by four of these families to country-wide hegemony by the count. The progressive consolidation of castle-holding corresponded to the development of political life. The chaotic political conditions of the second half of the twelfth century were replaced by the leadership of the regional lords after 1200, which in turn gave way to the unchallenged authority of the count after 1242. The logic of this tripartite development explains the achievement of Alphonse of Poitiers, count from 1241, in turning Poitou from a region of chronic turbulence into a well-governed country. This paper emphasizes the role of the regional lords as the bridge between extreme fragmentation of authority and effective centralization.     

Castles,castellans and the structure of politics in Poitou, 1152– 1271

By the middle of the twelfth century Poitou had been divided into small units of local control, known as castellanies. A castellany was the territory surrounding a castle; within it the castellan exercised military, judicial and economic powers. Between 1152 and 1271 the control of castles in Poitou experienced a development of three stages, moving from single-castellany holdings by the province's fifty leading families via regional lordships pieced together by four of these families to country-wide hegemony by the count. The progressive consolidation of castle-holding corresponded to the development of political life. The chaotic political conditions of the second half of the twelfth century were replaced by the leadership of the regional lords after 1200, which in turn gave way to the unchallenged authority of the count after 1242. The logic of this tripartite development explains the achievement of Alphonse of Poitiers, count from 1241, in turning Poitou from a region of chronic turbulence into a well-governed country. This paper emphasizes the role of the regional lords as the bridge between extreme fragmentation of authority and effective centralization.     

Trinovantum — the evolution of a legend

One aspect of that legendary ‘British history’ which was accepted as fact almost without question by historical writers until the early seventeenth century, and in popular and literary tradition much longer, was the story of the foundation of London, as Trinovantum or ‘New Troy’, by a group of exiled Trojans, long before the Roman conquest of Britain. In considering the relevance of this medieval story to the problems of London's actual origin, this paper traces its sources and development. Ambiguities in the Latin of Julius Caesar and Orosius led later writers, including probably Bede, to assume that there had once existed a British city called Trinovantum. The British writers, represented by Nennius, invented a Trojan origin for their people on well-tried models. These two independent traditions were combined in the twelfth century by Geoffrey of Monmouth, who identified Trinovantum as Troia Nova, and made the further identification of this city with London. Later Londoners-were well aware of this ‘Trojan foundation’, and found in the story a source of pride and a reason for the pre-eminence of their city.     

明代宦官历史教育论析

明代宦官在东宫教育和帝王日讲、经筵乃至日常生活和政治实践中发挥了重要影响,明人亦强调宦官对于帝王历史教育不可或缺的作用。明代宦官经由内书堂和自我学习接受历史教育,其在历史教育实践中与帝王之间表现出某种趋同性特征,并转而影响君主。受中国古代"明君德政"历史教育模式的影响,明代儒臣透过"贤宦良政"和"恶宦劣政"的历史举说或历史书写,推行宦官历史教育,既于内书堂教育中注入历史训诫,又编纂以古今类型化宦官传记史事为内容的专门史鉴书籍。历史教育成为明代儒臣、宦官与帝王三者之间交互沟通和影响的纽带,以历史教育为中心的史学经世致用取向构成明代中后期史学史的时代性内容。     

塔西佗历史书写中的“年代记”及其政治功能北大核心CSSCI

塔西佗以传统“年代记”体裁写作自奥古斯都到图密善统治时期的历史。他的历史探讨最深刻的人性与政治的关系,以此论证元首政体的好坏与统治者品性之间的联系。塔西佗的政治生涯大部分在图密善时代度过,在图拉真统治时期开始写作历史。图密善的暴政使他对历史写作持谨慎小心的态度,而暴政带来的影响使他希望通过历史写作给贵族阶层提供政治教诲,培育政治上的审慎美德,以便服务于国家。历史写作上的谨慎和提供教诲的愿望,使他放弃了当时流行的皇帝传记体裁而选择传统“年代记”体裁。尽管“年代记”与皇帝传记一样,都把皇帝作为叙述中心,但塔西佗研究的重点是皇帝的统治技巧、计谋和贵族阶层对此的回应,这种叙述体裁的选择因而也是其写作意图的组成部分。     

Royal burial and the cult of kingship in France and England, 1060–1330

In the late-eleventh and early twelfth centuries, French and English royal burials were relatively unceremonial, low-key affairs, a contrast with the obsequies of other contemporary rulers such as the Holy Roman emperors. One reason for that may be the dominance of reforming ecclesiastics in arranging the funeral rites in England and France; another, the importance attached by the monarchs to obtaining personalised intercession from ascetic monks. By the early fourteenth century, however, the French and English sovereigns were commemorated after death in magnificent ceremonies and monuments. In the intervening centuries, those kings and their followers had shown a growing interest in the creation and promotion of royal saint-cults; in the honouring of royal remains; in public and splendid funeral ceremonies and lawish tombs; and in the creation and development of imposing burial-churches at Saint-Denis and Westminster. During this time there was an increasing emphasis upon the image and panoply of monarchy in both kingdoms which was rooted to a large extent in the personal and political rivalry of their rulers. The new splendours of royal burials can be seen as one important part of those developments.     

HISTORY,INSTITUTIONS, AND CITIES: A VIEW FROM THE AMERICAS*

ABSTRACT Every nation, formally or informally, defines and establishes the lines of political and fiscal authority among its national, regional, and local governments. Historically, centralized governments tend to restrict the power and autonomy of provincial and local governments. In this paper, we exploit the quasi‐experimental distribution of political institutions in the Americas caused by variation in European colonial experience to examine the impact of institutions on urban and local development, specifically on the degree of urban primacy, the size distribution of cities, the number and density of local government units, and the fragmentation of metropolitan areas. We argue that centralization of political power at the national level, as experienced in many countries in Latin America, contributes to urban primacy and a size distribution of cities favoring large cities. Additionally, even in more politically decentralized countries such as Canada and the U.S., variance in political centralization at the provincial (state) level over local governments led to significant divergences in urban primacy, the distribution of city sizes, as well as the form, number, and density of local governments. While we cannot rule out the importance of other factors, our findings suggest that political centralization affects spatial economic development.     

Flexible urban governance. The case of Copenhagen's recent waterfront development

In this paper, the most recent wave of Copenhagen's waterfront development is analyzed and interpreted in the context of broader economic tendencies and political strategies. Recent events illuminate relationships among politicians, bureaucrats and capital to regulate an accumulation process that is highly intertwined with international, national as well as urban interests. Beginning in the late 1980s, the national state, the local state and the port authority, undertook a number of planning and policy initiatives to create a process for transforming Copenhagen's waterfront. When contradictions from the logic of profit maximization became apparent and threatened to de‐rail long term economic growth, a new ad hoc and ‘flexible’ process of urban governance was established to get development back on track. Senior politicians created a so‐called ‘Vision Group’ that functioned as a ‘meta‐steering’ committee providing direction to local development by identifying a development approach that attempted to resolve, at least temporarily, tensions among global market tendencies and the interests of the main actors. In this way, the Vision Group achieved its political purpose to create a shared vision and a discourse for the development of the waterfront. The new strategy was effective at various scales of governance, but circumvented local planning practices.     

Territorially-nested urbanization in China - the case of Dongguan

ABSTRACT

This paper explores the question of extended urbanization by arguing for the need to overcome dualistic views to properly address the political specificities of urbanization in China. To this end, this paper understands state-territorial relations as a process of étatization by drawing on the particular literature on the role of the party-state in urbanization. Through a brief history of Guangdong, it elaborates on the political modalities of territorialization through China’s administrative rank system. This has enabled the party-state to mediate the production of urban space. From this, I arrive at the concept of “territorially-nested urbanization”, moving beyond limited accounts of hierarchical state powers in Chinese urban studies. Next, from a short periodization of Dongguan’s urbanization, the paper exemplifies how a particular mode of territorialization has evolved into tense relationships between the city and towns in the ongoing dilemma of multi-centered versus concentrated direction of urbanization. Based on insights from in-depth fieldwork, the last part of this paper illustrates the contradictory mobilization of village collectives within extended state power through local government, and the development of villagers’ politics and activism in contested land transformations.     

The Role of an Area-oriented Approach in Achieving Environmental Policy Integration in the Netherlands,and its Applicability in Bulgaria

An integrated approach to environmental policy and urban spatial planning has not yet been adopted by many local administrations in Europe. However, such integration is likely to provide a more streamlined planning process that incorporates environmental measures in the physical development of urban areas. In this paper, we argue that among many local governments there is already a growing wish to apply environmental policy integration (EPI) principles in spatial planning in an effort to achieve better quality of life in the cities and to preserve natural resources. Within Europe, most attempts to develop EPI approaches can be found in western countries, while efforts to find integrated approaches to the urban environment and spatial planning in Eastern Europe are in their infancy. The main reason for this is that most of the post-communist countries are still addressing the challenge of reconstructing their political, social, and economic systems. In this research, we analyse and compare policy practices for EPI in urban planning in the Netherlands and Bulgaria. We first discuss the Dutch area-oriented policy approach, which has gained popularity during the last decade as a means of integrating environmental qualities in urban land use plans. We then go on to analyse the effectiveness of specific area-oriented methods developed and applied in Rotterdam, and define their applicability in the planning practice of the local authorities of the city of Burgas in Bulgaria. The main conclusion of the study is that the degree of effectiveness of an area-oriented policy is dependent on the impact of specific success factors. Despite the differences between Rotterdam and Burgas in terms of the presence of these success factors, we assert that the area-oriented policy approach applied in Rotterdam can be transferable, and can be adapted to the specific local circumstances in Burgas and used as an instrument for integrating EPI into urban land use planning.     

明代皇权转移之际的合法性博弈

本文通过对明朝皇权转移之际种种关涉政治合法性的博弈进行考察,透视明代皇位继承的文化和心理条件,对帝制体系运行中传统、实力、社会心理、人事关系间的纠结进行剖析。明代除曾发生建文、永乐间武装争位情况外,其他过渡较平稳的皇权转移仍常伴随围绕政治合法性的博弈,皇帝、士大夫、后妃、贵族、宦官都在其间扮演角色。皇权转移关乎国运、政局、民生,由此形成具有制度、文化、时局综合含义的更替规范和社会期待。这种期待,具有一定程度上降低皇权随意更迭的约束作用,凸显合法性构建的必要,但总体而言,明代皇权转移仍在传统政治范围内,没有发生“转型”的明确迹象。     

Political freedom in Byzantium: the rhetoric of liberty and the periodization of Roman history

ABSTRACT

This paper proposes an intellectual history of the idea that the later Roman empire and, subsequently, the whole of Byzantium were less ‘free’ in comparison to the Roman Republic. Anxiety over diminished freedom recurred throughout Roman history, but only a few specific expressions of it were enshrined in modern thought as the basis on which to divide history into periods. The theorists of the Enlightenment, moreover, invented an unfree Byzantium for their own political purposes and not by examining the facts about its political culture. The second part of the paper proposes that the Byzantines valorized a model of positive freedom as legal-institutional protection against arbitrary oppressive power, including against both barbarian domination and domestic abuses. In contrast to modern thought, which tends to see the imperial position as the chief threat to liberty, the Byzantines viewed it as its bulwark. Yet they too had remedies for oppressive emperors, suggesting that the otherwise well-attested invocations of freedom were not a mere rhetorical trope for them but an actionable cultural norm.     

Paths of Erasure and Trails of Resistance in a Neo-Settler-Colonial City

Urban displacement is receiving growing visibility within urban studies. However, most literature centres on the logic of late capitalism and tends to neglect colonial history and local resistance to displacement. This paper takes an alternative path: it relates (a) the history of colonialism and ethnic cleansing of the city of Jaffa with (b) the present-day gentrification and displacement caused by neoliberal urbanism. To unpack this entanglement, the article focuses on political city walking tours led by Internally Displaced Palestinians in Jaffa, alongside a broader repertoire of urban subaltern tactics to reclaim it—ranging from community meetings to more overtly politicised acts of protest and initiatives to disrupt gentrification. The article therefore advances debates on urban displacement and urban citizenship mobilisation through the lens of post-colonial theories, and by adopting a participatory interdisciplinary approach—from a novel perspective that centres local knowledge, lived experiences, and grassroots activism.     

Royal burial and the cult of kingship in France and England, 1060–1330

In the late-eleventh and early twelfth centuries, French and English royal burials were relatively unceremonial, low-key affairs, a contrast with the obsequies of other contemporary rulers such as the Holy Roman emperors. One reason for that may be the dominance of reforming ecclesiastics in arranging the funeral rites in England and France; another, the importance attached by the monarchs to obtaining personalised intercession from ascetic monks. By the early fourteenth century, however, the French and English sovereigns were commemorated after death in magnificent ceremonies and monuments. In the intervening centuries, those kings and their followers had shown a growing interest in the creation and promotion of royal saint-cults; in the honouring of royal remains; in public and splendid funeral ceremonies and lawish tombs; and in the creation and development of imposing burial-churches at Saint-Denis and Westminster. During this time there was an increasing emphasis upon the image and panoply of monarchy in both kingdoms which was rooted to a large extent in the personal and political rivalry of their rulers. The new splendours of royal burials can be seen as one important part of those developments.     

Alternatives to the “New Urban Politics”: finding locality and autonomy in local economic development

The New Urban Politics (or NUP) of local economic development has become one of the dominant themes in urban political economy in the last twenty years. But despite the volume of research this has generated, basic problems remain in the theories that underlie this academic and political work. This paper begins with a discussion of the understandings of the central concepts of locality and autonomy in the NUP. These understandings of locality and autonomy are then criticized for failing to recognize the relational and processual character of both of these constructs. Local autonomy is then retheorized as the capacity to control the production of place. In particular, the paper focuses on groups constructing institutions and relationships of local ownership. These organizations, it is argued, have combined the goals of local autonomy and local economic development, and in so doing have produced new localities in the places in which they are organizing.     

Transurban interconnectivities: an essay on the interpretation of the revolutions of 1848

This essay discusses the interpretation of the revolutionary situations of 1848 in light of recent debates on interconnectivity in history. The concept of transurban interconnectivities is proposed as the most precise concept to capture the nature of interconnectivity in 1848. It is argued that political models circulating on a European scale at the time provided the ‘knowledge resources’ that were appropriated by urban political activists across Europe. These circulating resources were appropriated by political activists as means of political mobilisation in their particular local urban context. It is argued that circulating political communication accounts for similarities with respect to political agenda, organisational form and political repertoire evident in urban settings across Europe. This argument is supported by a series of examples of local organisation and local appropriations of liberalism, radicalism and nationalism in 1848. In the concluding paragraph, the limitations of the notion of urban–rural interconnectivity are discussed in order to clarify the nature of transurban interconnectivity.     

Race and the Making of Southeast San Francisco: Towards a Theory of Race‐Class

San Francisco is engaged in a redevelopment project that could bring millions in investment and community benefits to a starved neighborhood—and yet the project is embedded in an urban development process that is displacing residents. In trying to unsettle these contradictions, this paper achieves two aims. First, I unearth a little known history of redevelopment activism that frames debate around the current project. Second, I use this history to argue for a reframing of the language of race. To wit: although the social construction of race and racism is well established, race is still deeply understood in everyday life as natural. This paper offers a theoretical fusing of race and class, “race‐class”, to help us think race through a vital constructionist lens. Race‐class makes present the economic dynamics of racial formation, and foregrounds that race is a core process of urban political economy. Race‐class works both “top‐down” and “ground‐up.” While it is a vehicle for capital's exploitation of people and place, race‐class also emerges as a mode of power for racialized working‐class residents.